Exercise 111 The First Major Turning Point

Playwriting ◽  
2004 ◽  
pp. 176-176
2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
David McCrone

The Brexit referendum in 2016 was a major turning-point in British and Scottish politics, reflected in a majority for Leave in England, but for Remain in Scotland. This article uses the British and Scottish Social Surveys for 2016 to explain Scottish-English differences, and finds that there were broad similarities in terms of social and demographic characteristics, and in terms of social values (‘authoritarians’ voting for Leave). Being ‘English’, however, was much more significant than being ‘Scottish’ in accounting for Brexit vote. The association between Brexit vote and constitutional preferences, notably voting intention in a future Scottish Independence Referendum, is far less clear-cut. Brexit promises to be a political game-changer, but in ways which are complex and unpredictable.


1962 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 342-364
Author(s):  
Henderson B. Braddick

The agreement between British Foreign Minister Sir Samuel Hoare and Pierre Laval, French Premier and Foreign Minister, in early December, 1935, was a major turning point in European international politics during the interwar period. It placed a premium on Fascist aggression in Ethiopia by proposing that Italy be given actual or de facto control over huge slices of the African country. Several volumes of memoirs published in the last few years throw new light on some aspects of the proposal itself and on the politics of Great Britain, Italy, and France toward the Italo-Ethiopian conflict, policies which at the height of the international crisis produced the Hoare-Laval Plan. In addition, the State Department documents, published and unpublished, are a mine of information on these matters.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 477-498
Author(s):  
Rhys Machold

Abstract This article focuses on how urban security has been governed in Mumbai in the aftermath of the 2008 terrorist attacks (26/11). The event was widely cited as a major turning point in the securitisation and militarisation of Indian cities. It also produced significant political upheaval, which in turn generated calls for a major institutional overhaul of the governmental architecture for handling terrorism. This article takes the political and policy repercussions of 26/11 as an intervention into critical debates about the (para-)militarisation of policing and the politics of urban security. Here I shift the focus from the disciplinary and divisive effects of policies towards an emphasis on their spectacular and theatrical dimensions. If we are to make sense of the ‘militarised’ focus of the policy response to 26/11, I argue, we need to take seriously its populist, aspirational qualities.


Author(s):  
Margaret M. Scull

This chapter is devoted to the prison protests in Long Kesh/Maze Prison. It evaluates Church responses to the evolving protest by republican paramilitary prisoners on their quest for ‘five demands’ for political prisoner status. The chapter will culminate with the 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes which saw the deaths of ten men in the prison, including Bobby Sands, and more than sixty deaths outside caused by heightened community tensions. At this point, the English and Irish Catholic Churches faced their greatest point of division over the issue of hunger striking as suicide; a schism often reported by the British media. Fr Denis Faul, a civil rights activist, effectively ended the 1981 hunger strike by convincing the families to medically intervene. The legacy of the strikes fractured the tenuous relationship between the Church and Irish Republicans, marking a major turning point in the conflict.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (13) ◽  
pp. 2632 ◽  
Author(s):  
SungUk Lim ◽  
Junmo Kim

The 4th industrial revolution has been a hot topic in various societies for several overlapping reasons. It may be a huge wave for researchers to navigate through. In this context, research institutions are not different from major industrial sectors, in that both consider the 4th revolution a major turning point as well as a threat. Today’s industries and research institutions are knowledge-intensive in nature. Consequently, their potential for survival depends on scientific and technological aspects as well as their organizational dimension. This study analyzes 25 major public research institutions in South Korea, located in the DaeDuk area, based on their technological capability for organizational and expert evaluation. It also proposes a matching scheme between research institutions and research topics related to the 4th industrial revolution.


1998 ◽  
Vol 72 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 291-296
Author(s):  
Jean Stubbs

[First paragraph]Toward a New Cuba? Legacies of a Revolution. MIGUEL ANGEL CENTENO & MAURICIO FONT (eds.). Boulder CO: Lynne Rienner, 1997. ix + 245 pp. (Cloth US$ 49.95)Essays on Cuban History: Historiography and Research. Louis A. PEREZ, JR. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1994. xiv + 306 pp. (Cloth US$ 44.95)Cuba's Second Economy: From Behind the Scenes to Center Stage.JORGE F. PEREZ-LOPEZ. New Brunswick NJ: Transaction, 1995. 221 pp. (Cloth US$ 32.95)Sport in Cuba: The Diamond in the Rough. PAULA J. PETTAVINO & GERALYN PYE. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1994. ix + 301 pp. (Cloth US$ 49.94, Paper US$ 19.95)Cuba is clearly at yet another major turning point, and the four books under review here testify, each in its way, to this. Two are single-authored monographs (one on sport, the other on the informal economy) one is a single-authored collection of essays on history and historiography; and one is a multidisciplinary anthology of essays by various authors. In approach, they cover a broad political spectrum, and all are concerned with an understanding of process in Cuba, whether prior to or since the 1959 revolution, pre- or post-1989, or during the 1990s.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samia Charkioui

Much Loved, a Moroccan movie by director Nabil Ayouch released in French cinemas in 2015 and selected at La Quinzaine des Réalisateurs in Cannes the same year, represents a major turning point in the history of national cinema. Officially banned from screens by the Moroccan Ministry of Communications one week after its premiere in Cannes, it unleashed an emotional storm and an unprecedented debate in the Moroccan society without ever having been seen by the public and only on the basis of some extracts leaked on the internet. The movie relates the lives of four young women living on prostitution in the touristic city of Marrakesh. This article provides an in-depth analysis of the factors of transgression carried by the movie and how they enable a better understanding of its violent mirroring impact on the Moroccan society.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard S. Saver

As a result of health care reform, medicine has entered a new era of comparative effectiveness. The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA) created the nation’s first comprehensive comparative effectiveness research (CER) program, investing in CER at record levels and establishing a new regulatory framework for oversight of the research. CER attracts considerable enthusiasm as a tool for reform because it compares competing interventions to determine which works best, supplying critical information for medical decision-making and health policy. In theory, better evidence of how treatments fare relative to one another will translate to better medical care. According to some optimistic accounts, CER can lead to a “revolution” in clinical practice, has transformative power “to reshape major portions of the practice of medicine,” and represents a major “turning point” for the health care system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Julius M. Gathogo

Nahashon Ngare Rukenya (1930–1996) was initially a Mau-Mau leader during Kenya’s war of independence (1952–60). Mau-Mau rebels were a militant group that waged guerrilla warfare against British colonialism in Kenya; and was largely seen as anti-Christian, anti-Anglican and anti-Presbyterian. As political advisor to the Mau-Mau, especially in their military offensives, Ngare Rukenya was once waylaid by the colonial forces, captured and detained. His turning point as Mau-Mau leader came when a Christian sect called the Moral Re-Armament (MRA)—founded by an American missionary Dr Frank Buchman in 1938—visited various detention camps to deliver counselling and teaching services. In particular, the MRA taught about the equality of all humans as children of God. They preached peace and reconciliation amongst all people living in colonial Kenya, while using biblical references to support their theological and ecclesiastical positions. After listening to their argumentation—while at Athi River detention camp—Ngare Rukenya’s politics of “land and Freedom” (wiyathi na ithaka—the core theme in Mau-Mau politics), changed to peace, reconciliation and resettlement of post-war Kenya. It re-energised his lay Anglican Church leadership, a church seen as pro-colonialism; hence hated by the local populace. This article sets out to unveil the problem in reference to Ngare Rukenya: How did the MRA influence socio-political discourses and eventually play its role in post Mau-Mau war reconstruction in Kenya (1959–1970)? The article is set on the premise that without Ngare Rukenya’s contribution regarding peace, reconciliation and resettlement, Central Kenya (as epicentre of Mau-Mau rebel activities) would have experienced civil war after colonialism in 1963. Ngare Rukenya and the MRA represent a major turning point in the Kenyan ecclesiastical history. The materials in this presentation are largely gathered through oral interviews, archival researches and limited consultation of published works.


Author(s):  
Parkinson Charles

Nigeria gained a bill of rights in October 1959 and independence on 1 October 1960. It was a major turning point in the development of bills of rights in Britain's overseas territories. First, it was the territory over which the Colonial Office changed its policy towards bills of rights: the Colonial Office went from opposing any constitutional rights in 1953 to supporting positively the inclusion of bills of rights when locally requested. Second, the resulting Nigerian bill of rights became the basic model used for subsequent bills of rights in Britain's overseas territories. The debate about the Nigerian bill of rights revolved around the issues of religion, minorities, and the divide between north and south.


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