The Press of Change: Mass Communications in Late Communist and Post-Communist Societies

Author(s):  
Owen V. Johnson
1953 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-107
Author(s):  
Charles E. Higbie ◽  
Granville Price ◽  
Armistead S. Pride ◽  
Donald E. Brown ◽  

The literature concerned with communications in American magazines during the last quarter of 1952 was overwhelmingly dominated by the subject of the relationship of radio and the press to the presidential campaign. While the election itself was resolved definitely in favor of Eisenhower, it became more and more evident that press institutions themselves in the United States may soon face a virtual decision at the bar of public opinion in regard to their ideal role in national life. Marking the main skirmish line for the three months in question was the phrase “one-party press” which bounded from a political speech by defeated-candidate Stevenson in early September into almost every written or spoken discussion of the press since that time. Means of disproving or proving this characterization of U. S. newspapers has been the main topic of discussion at many conventions and conferences of such diversified groups as publishers, editors, union leaders, educators, congressmen, women's clubs and politicians as evidenced by following bibliography entries. Also numerous have been outright attempts at proof and disclaimer by various speakers and writers. Also of note during the quarter were the number of articles by pollsters defining their exact position in regard to pre-election opinion figures. Most managed to be both safe and sorry, since the growing corps of polling critics contributed a great number of articles following the election pointing out ignored evidence on Eisenhower's strength with great statistical accuracy.


1983 ◽  
Vol 16 (04) ◽  
pp. 683-688
Author(s):  
Richard L. Rubin

Presidential candidates know that the “press” (that is, print and electronic media) is often a decisive force in American electoral politics and spend much of their time trying to manipulate it for their own benefit. To politicians it is really a personal political matter, and the tendency when they speak about it is to both personalize and over-generalize the decisiveness of its influence. Thus, in 1976, Ted Kennedy stated flatly, “The press made Carter,” whereas Jimmy Carter repeatedly complained of the press's crucial role in “unmaking him” as president.To political scientists the impact of the press, particularly television, is of primarily “systematic” importance rather than of personal interest—except of course, for those who would like to spend some years in Washington as advisor-practitioners. Scholars and students know that television has changed things a lot, but we are not exactly sure how much and what kind of responsibility the press as a whole bears for the substantial institutional changes that have occurred in the last two decades. Let me offer briefly some of the conclusions I have come to after researching, thinking, and writing for some years on this topic. I shall look, first, at what is new about television news compared to the pre-electronic era and, second, how the most significant of these mass communications changes have affected our electoral institutions and the presidency itself.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10 (108)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Natalia Kratova

This article examines the process of the development of Protestant communities in the Karachay-Cherkess Republic in the post-Soviet period. The starting point of the study was 1990, when the laws of the USSR and the RSFSR were adopted, regulating the sphere of state-confessional relations on a new, liberal basis. The article shows in detail the dynamics of the membership of Protestant communities on the territory of the republic, the peculiarities of the emergence of new communities, forms and methods of work of Protestants. The sources of the study were the office documentation of the Karachay-Cherkess Regional Committee of the CPSU, the Commissioner of the Head of the KChR for Relations with Religious Organizations, the Ministry of the KChR for Ethnic Affairs, Mass Communications and the Press — reports, analytical notes on the religious situation, information about registered non-profit organizations posted on the Ministry's portal justice of the Russian Federation, reference materials on the doctrine and existing local religious associations, posted on the official websites of centralized religious organizations — the Russian Union of Evangelical Christians-Baptists (RS ECB), the Russian United Union of Christians of the Evangelical Faith-Pentecostals (RUS KhVE), the Evangelical Christian Missionary Union (EXMC) and also field materials of the author — interviews with leaders of local Protestant communities.


1999 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 1033-1058 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Ockey

The hit was typical in many ways. A gunman fired a nine-millimeter pistol into the car of Mass Communications Organization of Thailand chief Saengchai Sunthonwat, then fled with the driver on a waiting motorcycle. Two other members of the gang who had identified the victim also escaped. Due to the prominence of widely respected Saengchai, the police devoted a great deal of attention and resources to solving the crime. Ultimately, they traced the gunmen, who led them to the alleged mastermind. The assassination, according to police, was the result of a conflict of interest in the granting of concessions for provincial radio stations. When the accused mastermind had offered Saengchai a gift of an expensive gold chain and a valuable Buddha image to smooth relations, Saengchai refused the offer. He further insulted the mastermind by saying that the gift would only be good enough for his dog. This insult, as much as the loss of income, lay behind the killing. Although the hit was typical in many ways, two things, beyond the tragic death of a good man, make this killing academically interesting. First, the alleged mastermind was not a godfather but a godmother. Second, the press paid no attention to the fact that the culprit was a woman. In almost every reference, the word “godfather” could have been substituted for “godmother” with no change in meaning or inference.


2020 ◽  
pp. 502-516
Author(s):  
Thomas Dowling ◽  
Adrian Bingham

This chapter explores the dynamic relationship between the labour movement and the press. It argues that recognition of the need to negotiate or counter the growing pre-eminence of the press and other forms of mass-communications media compelled some of the twentieth-century labour movement’s most original intellectual and strategic advances. Equally, at other moments, a tendency on the part of beleaguered labour leaders to overestimate the hegemonic reach of the ‘right-wing’ or ‘capitalist’ press served to mask shortcomings and lacunae in the movement’s own ideological and strategic perspectives. Rather than approaching the relationship between labour and the press as one of essential conflict and antagonism, the chapter seeks to understand them as two aspects of the same ongoing historical process.


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