The Social Elites and Incomes from Churches c. 1050–1250

2019 ◽  
pp. 248-274
Author(s):  
Jan Brendalsmo ◽  
Jón Viðar Sigurðsson
Keyword(s):  
The Social ◽  
Social Elites

Grosvenor School of Art, London (1925–1940)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliette Peers
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Modern Art ◽  
Art And Design ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Elites ◽  
Art School

The Grosvenor School of Art, also known as the Grosvenor School of Modern Art, was founded in 1925 by Scottish artist and printmaker Iain McNab. In 1940, it merged with the more traditional Heatherley’s Art School, which is still operating in London. The Grosvenor was famous across Britain and the British Empire in the interwar period for promoting modernist art and design. Its contribution to introducing and acclimatizing continental modernism to an extended anglophile audience was substantial. Pupils came from Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, as well as other countries, and through them the experience of modernism was brought back to their homelands. Across the British Empire, the Grosvenor School made modernism acceptable and praiseworthy, representing the authority of what Australian artist Arthur Streeton called "the Centre of Empire," combined with the glamorous social cachet that London symbolized for the social elites in the colonies.

scholarly journals Elites and emulators: The evolution of Iraqi Kurdish asylum migration to Europe

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erlend Paasche
Keyword(s):  
Observational Learning ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Labour Migration ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Cumulative Causation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Elites ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Empirical Analysis

Abstract Research on migration’s internal dynamics has focused on labour migration and drawn heavily on cumulative causation theory. It is often believed that pioneer labour migrants of middling socioeconomic selectivity facilitate the migration of others in their networks by reducing the costs and risks of migration through practical assistance. Expanding migrant networks can allow for labour migration to grow although macrostructural conditions change. For asylum migration in the context of armed conflict, the mechanisms whereby migration grows may very well differ. For one thing, pioneer asylum migrants in such contexts are often social elites. What is the relationship between the movement of these elites and that of subsequent asylum migrants? This article traces the evolution of Iraqi Kurdish asylum migration to Europe from its inception by elite pioneer migrants to its continuation by non-elites, during four decades of altered contextual conditions. The analysis is based on 106 semi-structured interviews with Iraqi Kurdish migrants. An evolving interplay between exogenous and endogenous dynamics is observed, and so are commonalities with the social processes that underpin labour migration. The basic principles of cumulative causation seem to be operating, yet there is little to indicate that established migrants functioned as ‘bridgeheads’ for newcomers. The empirical analysis feeds into a concluding conceptual discussion in which I argue that, compared to labour migration, asylum migration from conflict-affected areas may be relatively less driven by the interpersonal networks that reduce costs and risks, and relatively more driven by what the article coins ‘emulation’, the observational learning of migration.

scholarly journals DRAG THEM: A brief etymology of so-called “cancel culture”

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 88-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith D. Clark
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
Moral Panic ◽  
Digital Age ◽  
Media Activism ◽  
Black Vernacular ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Elites

The term “cancel culture” has significant implications for defining discourses of digital and social media activism. In this essay, I briefly interrogate the evolution of digital accountability praxis as performed by Black Twitter, a meta-network of culturally linked communities online. I trace the practice of the social media callout from its roots in Black vernacular tradition to its misappropriation in the digital age by social elites, arguing that the application of useful anger by minoritized people and groups has been effectively harnessed in social media spaces as a strategy for networked framing of extant social problems. This strategy is challenged, however, by the dominant culture’s ability to narrativize the process of being “canceled” as a moral panic with the potential to upset the concept of a limited public sphere.

scholarly journals "Vicinitas": Neighbourhoods, Networks and Identities in Ciceronian Italy

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-73
Author(s):  
Kathryn Lomas
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Roman History ◽  
Cultural Identities ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Elites ◽  
Roman Italy ◽  
Social War ◽  
Analytical Approaches ◽  
Modern Analytical

Roman Italy was a highly interconnected region. The social elites of both Rome and other communities were linked by a dense web of connections which played an important role in influencing social, economic and political behaviour and shaping cultural identities. This paper explores the importance of neighbourhood networks in the period after the social war, using the works of Cicero and his contemporaries, as well as modern analytical approaches. It examines how vicinitas is defined and what social and political significance it had in this pivotal period of Roman history.

The Church and the Nation: the Example of the Mendicants in Thirteenth-century Poland

1990 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 47-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerzy Kłoczowski
Keyword(s):  
East European ◽  
Small Areas ◽  
Baltic Coast ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Elites ◽  
Minimum Requirements ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
New Religion ◽  
The Church

Let us briefly recall the point of departure for the history of the relations between the Church and the Polish nation in the ninth and tenth centuries, that is, at the time when a strong monarchy had been formed between the Vistula and the Oder rivers, within the borders approximating to those we see today. These centuries were decisive not only for Poland, but also for other central and east European countries—for Bohemia, Hungary, Kiev, Ruthenia, and also for Scandinavia. In all these countries the emergence of the state structure went together with the official adoption of Christianity by the rulers and the social élites. The authorities also saw to it that at least the minimum requirements of the new religion were introduced and observed throughout the population. Around AD 1000 the borders of European Christianity had expanded to a fairly impressive size, and therefore this is a moment of special significance in the history of the European community. Only relatively small areas of heathendom remained unaffected, particularly the region of the Baltic coast—and it was in this region where the last stage of European Christianization took place, namely, the baptism of Lithuania in 1386–7, whose six-hundredth anniversary we celebrated recendy.

scholarly journals Who Wants Democracy in China? An Empirical Analysis of Chinese Democratization in Perspective

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gang Wang
Keyword(s):  
Economic Reform ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
General Social Survey ◽  
Modernization Theory ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Elites ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Near Future

<p>The modernization theory suggests that the entrepreneurs and the middle class have a strong demand for democracy with a country’s economic development. Yet this conventional wisdom has been challenged in the Chinese context. In the debate on China’s democratization, the social groups demanding for democracy in the economic reform have not been well identified. By employing the 2006 China General Social Survey, this empirical research has two interesting findings. First, the members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) especially the CCP members of the working class as well as the social elites show a stronger demand for democracy. Second, these groups in favor of democratic principles oppose various democratization activities. These findings imply that the demand for democracy in China is more likely to be an expression of discontent with the current political system rather than the democratic impulses, and the Chinese democratization is not optimistic in the near future. </p>

Das mittel- bis spätawarenzeitliche Gräberfeld von Edelstal/Nemesvölgy – Ein regionales Machtzentrum im nordwestlichen Karpatenbecken?

2021 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-364
Keyword(s):  
Social System ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Northwestern Part ◽  
Limited Role ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Elites

Abstract Although well known to the community of Avar Age archaeologists, the old excavated cemetery of Edelstal (Hung. Nemesvölgy) played a quiet limited role in the discussion about social structures and societies, even for the northwestern part of the Carparthian Basin. This circumstance was also linked to the lack of publication of all graves. Based on this and the complete analyses of this cemetery the author wants to illustrate how important the burial community might have been in the social system of the Late Avar Khaganate. A special focus lies hereby on prominent items like gilded boar belts, buckles with the emperor's image or golden earrings and hair clips indicating wealth, communication, relations and links to the top social elites and presuming a high elaborated prestige chain network.

Introduction

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Swann
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Cultural Issues ◽  
Financial Policies ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Elites ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Marxist Interpretation ◽  
The French Revolution

This chapter examines the historiographical debates inspired by the French Revolution, discussing how the impact of the Revisionist attack on the social (or Marxist) interpretation led to a richer, but ultimately more confused picture as historians pursued a wide variety of political, cultural, and intellectual approaches to the origins of 1789. It argues that current historiography has reached something of an impasse and that in order to understand the breakdown of the absolute monarch it is necessary to reconsider the central political preoccupations of the absolute monarchy, that is to say its military, diplomatic, colonial, and financial policies, and to examine how these interacted with broader social and cultural issues, such as the need to manage social elites, to cope with the expectations of public opinion, and to cope with the broader intellectual changes that were undermining deference for a monarch still officially justified as reigning by the grace of God.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helena Simonett
Keyword(s):  
World Music ◽  
Cultural Significance ◽  
Ethnic Communities ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Elites ◽  
Identity Discourses ◽  
The Many ◽  
Cultural Agency ◽  
Shed Light

This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the inner workings and cultural significance of the accordion. It then sets out the book's purpose, which is to reevaluate the accordion and the many musicultural traditions associated with this instrument. It considers the specific histories and cultural significance of a variety of accordion traditions to shed light onto the instrument's enigmatic popularity in the New World. Because power relations between the social elites and the working class—often immigrants or marginalized ethnic communities—have shaped the accordion's histories across the Americas, issues that emerge as pivotal include identity, discourses of inclusion/exclusion, marginality, and cultural agency; music's capability to engender community; sound aesthetics; and the accordion's place in mainstream and “world music.” An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.

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