Social Protest Movements and American Democracy

We the People ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Bryan Warde
Keyword(s):  
Social Protest ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
Protest Movements

scholarly journals Collecting Anarchy: Continuing the Legacy of the Joseph A. Labadie Collection

2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-140
Author(s):  
Julie Herrada
Keyword(s):  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
University Of Michigan ◽  
Gay Liberation ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Radical History ◽  
The University

The Joseph A. Labadie Collection at the University of Michigan is one of the oldest and most comprehensive collections of radical history in the United States, bringing together unique materials that document past as well as contemporary social protest movements. In addition to anarchism and labor movements, topics that were its original focus, the Collection today is particularly strong in civil liberties (with an emphasis on racial minorities), socialism, communism, colonialism and imperialism, American labor history through the 1930s, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW or the Wobblies), the Spanish Civil War, sexual freedom, women’s liberation, gay liberation, the . . .

scholarly journals Policing and Racial (In)Justice in the Media: Newspaper Portrayals of the “Black Lives Matter” Movement

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Janani Umamaheswar
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Public ◽  
Black Lives Matter ◽  
Recent Emergence ◽  
Public Nuisance ◽  
The Media

The “Black Lives Matter” movement, centered on fighting racial injustice and inequality (particularly in the criminal justice system), has garnered a great deal of media attention in recent years. Given the relatively recent emergence of the movement, there exists very little scholarly research on media portrayals of the movement. In this article, I report findings from a qualitative examination of major newspaper portrayals of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement between April and August 2016, before the particularly divisive 2016 presidential election. Inductive textual analyses of 131 newspaper articles indicate that, although the movement’s goals were represented positively and from the perspective of members of the movement, the newspapers politicized and sensationalized the movement, and they focused far more on supposed negative consequences of the movement. I discuss these findings by drawing on the “protest paradigm” and the “public nuisance paradigm” in media coverage of social protest movements, arguing that the latter is particularly useful for interpreting portrayals of Black Lives Matter in the prevailing US political climate.

scholarly journals TRADITIONAL ECONOMIES AND SOCIAL PROTEST IN WEST GERMANY AND ITALY IN 1966-1974

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-482
Author(s):  
M.V. Chernyshev
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Processes ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
West Germany ◽  
New Wave ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Economic Cycles ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Moderate Mass

Every crisis of the world capitalist economy prompts a new wave of interest in long economic cycles. In the second half of the 20 century, the emergence of new social movements and activity of «traditional» working class can be analyzed as important barometers of socio-economic development in transitional economies of European countries towards postindustrial society. In this article the author employs a theory of the dynamics of protest waves developed by Ruud Koopmans to analyse social processes in West Germany and Italy between 1966 and 1974. Special attention is given to study of different types of social protest movements: spontaneous, semi-military groups and those affiliated with political parties. A special emphasis is put on showing how the protest wave started with confrontational actions, subsequently entered a phase of moderate mass mobilization, and ended up with a twin process of institutionalization and radicalization.

France in the era of global transformations

2021 ◽  
pp. 7-27
Author(s):  
Natalia Lapina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
World Order ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Political Class ◽  
National Union ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
Policy Attitudes

Since joining the current stage of globalization, France has changed considerably. Shifts occurred in all spheres of society, but they were not synchronous. The most dynamic area – the economy-was the fastest to «react» to France's entry into the global economy. In the social sphere, the changes were slower than in the economy, but they were very profound: they affected the working class, employees, and the middle classes, which were numerically reduced and fragmented. In the mid-1990 s, France's foreign policy began to adapt to the new world order that emerged as a result of the collapse of the USSR. This forced the French political class to reconsider its foreign policy attitudes and «to make lower its ambitions». By the second decade of the twenty-first century, the political landscape of the country had changed: traditional parties had collapsed, and radical populist parties and movements («Unconquered France» of J.-L. Melenchon and «National Union» of M. Le Pen) had become stronger on the left and right flanks. Against the background of these large-scale changes, social protest movements have emerged and intensified in France; the split between society and the elites has acquired unprecedented proportions. To these trends and phenomena, the coronavirus pandemic has been added, which poses a huge number of problems for the country's authorities to solve.

scholarly journals On the Political Genealogy of Trump after Foucault

Genealogy ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Knauft
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Age Of Reason ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
The Us ◽  
American Media ◽  
Late Modern

How would Foucault have viewed Trump as President, and Trumpism in the US more generally? More realistically, how can we discern and insightfully apply genealogical insights after Foucault to better comprehend and act in relation to our current political situation in the US? Questions of factuality across a base register of asserted falsehoods are now prominent in American politics in ways that put assertions of scholarly objectivity and interpretation in yet deeper question than previously. The extent, range, and vitriol of alt-Right assertions and their viral growth in American media provoke progressivist resistance and anxiety, but how can this opposition be most productively channeled? This paper examines a range of critical perspectives, timeframes, and topical optics with respect to Trump and Trumpism, including nationalist, racist, sexist, class-based, and oligarchical dimensions. These are considered in relation to media and the incitement of polarized subjectivity and dividing practices, and also in relation to Marxist political economy, neoliberalism/neoimperialism, and postcolonialism. I then address the limit points of Foucault, including with respect to engaged political activism and social protest movements, and I consider the relevance of these for the diverse optics that political genealogy as a form of analysis might pursue. Notwithstanding and indeed because of the present impetus to take organized political action, a Foucauldian perspective is useful in foregrounding the broader late modern formations of knowledge, power, and subjectivity within which both Rightist and Leftist political sensibilities in the US are presently cast. At larger issue are the values inscribed through contemporary late modernity that inform both sides of present divisive polarities—and which make the prognosis of tipping points or future political outcomes particularly difficult. As such, productive strategies of activist opposition are likely to vary under alternative conditions and opportunities—including in relation to the particular skills, history, and predilection of activists themselves. If the age of reason threatens to be over, the question of how and in what ways critical intellectualism can connect with productive action emerges afresh for each of us in a higher and more personal key.

Cody’s Books

LOGOS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-25
Author(s):  
David Emblidge
Keyword(s):  
San Francisco ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Chain Stores ◽  
Street Violence ◽  
The Social ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The University

Cody’s Books, in Berkeley, California, had its roots during the mid-1950s in the left-wing sympathies of its founders, the husband–wife team of Fred and Patricia Cody. Serving the University of California nearby, the much admired bookstore became a hangout and haven for intellectually curious students and faculty. In the social protest movements of the 1960s, the store functioned as a refuge from street violence as students and police clashed outside. When long-term employee Andy Ross bought the shop upon the Codys’ retirement, it was a thriving business but soon ran into challenges from encroaching chain stores and the emergence of online shopping. Ross responded variously: sometimes with ambitious, effective bookselling tactics, sometimes with ineffective resentment towards consumers who had abandoned the store. Attempts to survive through risky refinancing and the infusion of foreign investment money to support expansion into San Francisco all backfired. The last Cody’s branch closed ignominiously in 2008.

Institutional Distrust, Institutional Participation, and Protest Behavior in the European Social Movement Sector

Contention ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-75
Author(s):  
Matthew Schoene
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Movement Activity ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Logistic Regressions ◽  
Institutional Participation

Institutional distrust has become a pervasive element of global society in general and European society in particular. Concurrently, participation in institutions is also declining, raising concerns about the effectiveness of civil society. Distrust of institutions like the political, education, legal-judicial, and law enforcement systems is linked to declining participation in mainstream political behaviors like voting, but it is unclear how individuals’ trust of and participation in certain institutions affects social movement activity and participation in protest. Here, I use recent European protest movements to better understand the link between institutional distrust, institutional participation, and social protest. Using the 7th wave of the European Social Survey, I construct several multilevel mixed-effects logistic regressions predicting participation in four forms of protest: signing petitions, boycotting products, wearing protest badges, and participating in demonstrations. It turns out that, while institutional distrust is moderately and positively linked to certain forms of protest, those who partake in mainstream political institutions are far more likely to participate in all forms of protest.

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