Bharatiya Janata Party victory in Uttar Pradesh

2021 ◽  
pp. 88-99
Author(s):  
Mirza Asmer Beg ◽  
Shashikant Pandey ◽  
Sudhir Kumar
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-22
Author(s):  
Sanjay Kumar

The verdict of 2019 indicates that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) not only managed to retain its support base which it built in 2014, but also expanded it both geographically and socially. It managed to win seats in states where it had not performed well in earlier elections, and to get more votes amongst communities which had not voted for it earlier. The Congress could not improve upon its 2014 performance, but it is important to note that neither its votes nor its tally of seats decreased. The BJP improved upon its performance of 2014 largely at the cost of regional parties. The combined vote share of the regional parties witnessed a decline. Some regional parties did manage to hold onto their support base but others could not secure the support base they had held in 2014. In states like Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh (UP), Karnataka and Maharashtra, the regional parties performed badly despite some of them having formed an anti-BJP alliance. The BJP’s gain in terms of vote share and seats, largely at the expense of regional parties in many states, begins a new debate about whether this is the beginning of the end of the dominance of regional parties in the North Indians states, or if it is a passing phase in Indian elections. If this decline in the importance of the regional parties is largely in respect of national elections, could there be a reversal in the trend during state assembly elections?


Significance The ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA), led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has retained a parliamentary majority and the BJP has extended its single-party majority. During campaigning, Modi emphasised nationalist themes, ranging from Hindu nationalism to national security, while deflecting criticism over problems such as the country’s jobless growth. Impacts The BJP’s pledge to spend 100 trillion rupees (1.4 trillion dollars) on infrastructure will likely prompt a widening of the fiscal deficit. Leading BJP figures such as party President Amit Shah and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath may aim to succeed Modi in 2024. Rahul Gandhi will highly likely relinquish leadership of the main opposition Congress party.


Significance The National Democratic Alliance (NDA), led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), retained a majority in Assam and won in Puducherry. It fared less well elsewhere: the BJP failed to gain power in West Bengal, despite campaigning especially hard there. Impacts Violence in West Bengal involving rival supporters will likely continue for several more weeks. BJP strategists will now focus on the 2022 Uttar Pradesh election, determined to ensure the party holds power in that key state. Congress, India’s main opposition party, faces a deepening crisis of confidence after its underwhelming poll performance.


Social Change ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 645-652 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sudha Pai

After widespread violent riots following the Ram Janma Bhoomi Babri Masjid (RJBBM) Movement and the destruction of the Babri Masjid in December 1992, there were no major riots in Uttar Pradesh (UP) in the second half of the 1990s. Political parties, including the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), attempted to use the Ram Mandir issue during elections in the late 1990s but did not get a response. However, during the 2000s, the state witnessed a new ‘saffron wave’. Riots took place in the eastern districts of Mau in 2005, Gorakhpur in 2007 and there was a spurt of communal tension in some western districts from 2011 leading to violent riots in Muzaffarnagar and surrounding districts in September 2013. Based on a study of the communal riots mentioned earlier (Pai & Kumar, 2018, Everyday Communalism: Riots in Contemporary Uttar Pradesh, New Delhi: Oxford University Press), it is argued that during the 2000s, UP experienced a post-Ayodhya phase of communalism, markedly different from the earlier phase during the RJBBM period. Our study points to a clear shift in the theory and praxis of Hindutva and thereby, from older forms of communalism to newer ones, more suited to the contemporary socio-economic and political context. The riots enabled the BJP to create deep-seated communal polarisation, consolidate the Hindu vote and win elections, at the centre and later in UP. In this article, the focus is on one significant aspect of the riots in eastern and western UP, which differentiates it from earlier riots––the Dalit Question, its relationship to communalism and the part played by dalits. Election studies and data suggest that some sections of the dalits––who do not form a homogeneous group––supported the BJP during the 2014 and 2017 elections in UP simultaneously a section were co-opted into the ambit of the larger identity of Hindu. The BJP leadership reworked their ideology and strategies of Hindutva to mobilise dalits in order to gain their support and win power. Yet, paradoxically from 2015, and more stridently in 2018, we find large sections of dalits opposing the BJP.


1993 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Austin ◽  
Peter Lyon

Observers of The Indian Political Scene Have Been puzzled by the performance and prospects of the Bharatiya Janata Party. It is the largest opposition group in the central legislature in New Delhi, and forms the government in four northern states, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Rajasthan. The elements of opposition and government have taken new shape; and the rise of the BJP, say critics, constitutes a challenge not simply to Congress but to the Nehru-established state and its secular democratic inheritance. Its leaders couch their appeal in relation to the religious sentiments of the Hindu majority of India and they talk not only of roti but Ram — the bread of life itself. ‘Away with the “pseudo-secularism” of Western values: India must rediscover its past.’ Such is the simple message of the Hindutva party and its allies. It is an old theme but opponents and supporters alike believe that the 119 seats which the BJP now has in the Lok Sabha (India's lower house) give the demand for fundamental reform a new political force.


Significance Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had mixed results in recent state elections; it notably failed to displace Mamata Banerjee’s All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) from power in the key battleground of West Bengal. The main opposition Congress party’s poll performance was, as expected, underwhelming. Impacts The 2022 Uttar Pradesh state poll will be the immediate focus for electoral strategists in the BJP and other locally influential parties. Congress will struggle to overcome infighting over its presidency even as it asserts its credentials to lead a broad anti-Modi alliance. Modi’s government may open corruption cases against key opposition leaders in a bid to distract them from efforts to form a united front.


Significance The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) has 314 seats in the 545-member parliamentary lower house. Congress, which leads the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), has 48 seats, short of the 10% minimum required for it to nominate the leader of the opposition. Regionally influential politicians such as West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and former Uttar Pradesh (UP) Chief Minister Mayawati have called for a broad anti-BJP alliance ahead of the general election due early next year. Impacts Modi’s personality will be a critical factor in election campaigning. The opposition will try to undermine Modi by highlighting the jobless growth and religious discord under BJP rule. The BJP and its opponents will try to project themselves as the champions of farmers in a bid to increase their rural support.


Subject Pressure on the BJP to offer financial concessions to Maratha farmers. Significance A coalition of India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the local Shiv Sena has governed in Maharashtra since 2014. The BJP seeks to consolidate its status as the champion of the state’s small farmers, but this may require submission to expensive demands. Impacts Mumbai may see further large protests by members of the Maratha caste if their demands are not met. Other states besides Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh (UP) may promise loan waivers to farmers. The Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) may join the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance ahead of the 2019 general election.


Significance They represent a minor triumph for Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), after several difficult months, and promise to restore political momentum to his government. Yet progress is still likely to be slow. Impacts Uttar Pradesh polls will test whether the BJP's electoral campaign can avoid communal polarisation and conflict. Infrastructure investment in Assam is likely to rise, advancing Indian ambitions to improve connectivity with South-east Asia. Ties with Bangladesh will suffer as the new Assam government delivers on promises made to anti-Muslim ethic groups.


Subject Prospects for India to end-2017. Significance The expected economic scenario over the second half of 2017 is low inflation and a rebound of GDP growth from a slowdown in the first half. Following the triumph of his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at the Uttar Pradesh state elections in March, Prime Minister Narendra Modi can expect a relatively quiet political season until year-end.


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