The Bharatiya Janata Party of India

1993 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis Austin ◽  
Peter Lyon
Keyword(s):  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Himachal Pradesh ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party ◽  
Life Itself ◽  
Western Values ◽  
The Government ◽  
Opposition Group ◽  
Political Scene

Observers of The Indian Political Scene Have Been puzzled by the performance and prospects of the Bharatiya Janata Party. It is the largest opposition group in the central legislature in New Delhi, and forms the government in four northern states, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Rajasthan. The elements of opposition and government have taken new shape; and the rise of the BJP, say critics, constitutes a challenge not simply to Congress but to the Nehru-established state and its secular democratic inheritance. Its leaders couch their appeal in relation to the religious sentiments of the Hindu majority of India and they talk not only of roti but Ram — the bread of life itself. ‘Away with the “pseudo-secularism” of Western values: India must rediscover its past.’ Such is the simple message of the Hindutva party and its allies. It is an old theme but opponents and supporters alike believe that the 119 seats which the BJP now has in the Lok Sabha (India's lower house) give the demand for fundamental reform a new political force.

Dalit Question and Communalism in Uttar Pradesh in the 2000s

Social Change ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 645-652 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sudha Pai
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Significant Aspect ◽  
Oxford University ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party ◽  
Clear Shift ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
Communal Riots ◽  
Large Sections

After widespread violent riots following the Ram Janma Bhoomi Babri Masjid (RJBBM) Movement and the destruction of the Babri Masjid in December 1992, there were no major riots in Uttar Pradesh (UP) in the second half of the 1990s. Political parties, including the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), attempted to use the Ram Mandir issue during elections in the late 1990s but did not get a response. However, during the 2000s, the state witnessed a new ‘saffron wave’. Riots took place in the eastern districts of Mau in 2005, Gorakhpur in 2007 and there was a spurt of communal tension in some western districts from 2011 leading to violent riots in Muzaffarnagar and surrounding districts in September 2013. Based on a study of the communal riots mentioned earlier (Pai & Kumar, 2018, Everyday Communalism: Riots in Contemporary Uttar Pradesh, New Delhi: Oxford University Press), it is argued that during the 2000s, UP experienced a post-Ayodhya phase of communalism, markedly different from the earlier phase during the RJBBM period. Our study points to a clear shift in the theory and praxis of Hindutva and thereby, from older forms of communalism to newer ones, more suited to the contemporary socio-economic and political context. The riots enabled the BJP to create deep-seated communal polarisation, consolidate the Hindu vote and win elections, at the centre and later in UP. In this article, the focus is on one significant aspect of the riots in eastern and western UP, which differentiates it from earlier riots––the Dalit Question, its relationship to communalism and the part played by dalits. Election studies and data suggest that some sections of the dalits––who do not form a homogeneous group––supported the BJP during the 2014 and 2017 elections in UP simultaneously a section were co-opted into the ambit of the larger identity of Hindu. The BJP leadership reworked their ideology and strategies of Hindutva to mobilise dalits in order to gain their support and win power. Yet, paradoxically from 2015, and more stridently in 2018, we find large sections of dalits opposing the BJP.

India will see anti-Modi Federal Front in early 2019

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
West Bengal ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Critical Factor ◽  
General Election ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Jobless Growth ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Chief Minister ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party

Significance The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) has 314 seats in the 545-member parliamentary lower house. Congress, which leads the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), has 48 seats, short of the 10% minimum required for it to nominate the leader of the opposition. Regionally influential politicians such as West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and former Uttar Pradesh (UP) Chief Minister Mayawati have called for a broad anti-BJP alliance ahead of the general election due early next year. Impacts Modi’s personality will be a critical factor in election campaigning. The opposition will try to undermine Modi by highlighting the jobless growth and religious discord under BJP rule. The BJP and its opponents will try to project themselves as the champions of farmers in a bid to increase their rural support.

No end in sight for water crisis in India

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Water Management ◽  
Water Use ◽  
Industrial Production ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Water Crisis ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Industrial State

Subject Water crisis. Significance In the last three months, ten states -- Maharashtra, Karnataka, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Odisha, Jharkhand and Telangana -- have declared droughts, clamping down on public water use. In response, the government has proposed a new water management bill. Impacts Water restrictions are likely to hit agricultural output and industrial production. The impact will be particularly acute in the badly hit Maharashtra -- India's leading industrial state. The nationally ruling Bharatiya Janata Party could suffer electoral losses if it fails to alleviate agrarian distress.

Community Development and Role of Tourism: A Case Study of Tourist Destination Manali in Himachal Pradesh (India)

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunil
Keyword(s):  
Traffic Congestion ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Himachal Pradesh ◽  
Tourism Industry ◽  
Cultural Development ◽  
Infrastructure Development ◽  
Tourism Sector ◽  
The Government ◽  
Agriculture Products

Tourism sector has a significant role in the economic development of our country. Tourism sector has contributed 6.88 percent to the GDP and has 12.36 percent share in employment (direct and indirect) in the year 2014. It has also a significant share in foreign exchange earnings. The benefit of tourism mostly goes to the local community (Sonya & Jacqueline, Mansour E. Zaei & Mahin E. Zaei, 2013). In this paper, an attempt has been made to assess how the tourism industry has created an opportunity for the economic, political, social and cultural development of the local community at Manali in Himachal Pradesh (India) and also tried to study the problems that are associated with the tourism in the region. The study found that the tourism industry has been extending its contribution for the development of local community at Manali. It has been providing employment, business and investment opportunities, revenue generation for the government, encouraging the community to promote and preserve its art, culture and heritage, raising the demand of agriculture products, provided opportunities for local people to run and work in the transport business and by promoting MSMEs in the region. Besides the opportunities, the tourism industry has also added many problems to the local community. Traffic congestion, increase in water and air pollution, solid waste generation, degradation of the cultural heritage, ecological imbalances, rise in cost of living, increase in crime, noise and environment pollution, migration of people to the region, negative impact on local culture, and extra pressure on civic services during the tourists season, are the problems associated with the tourism. The study suggest that effective management of natural resources, dissemination of environment protection information, involvement of local community in decision making, professionalization in the working of local administration, extending the support of government in sponsoring the events, infrastructure development, tracking records of migrants with the help of local community to curb the crime rate, promotion and preservation of art, culture and heritage, involvement of NGOs, compliance of the rules can make tourism more beneficial in the development of local community.

Assessment of bio-medical waste before and during the emergency of novel Coronavirus disease pandemic in India: A gap analysis

2021 ◽  
pp. 0734242X2110214
Author(s):  
Rahul Rajak ◽  
Ravi Kumar Mahto ◽  
Jitender Prasad ◽  
Aparajita Chattopadhyay
Keyword(s):  
Tamil Nadu ◽  
Waste Treatment ◽  
Gap Analysis ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Medical Waste ◽  
Government Organizations ◽  
Central Pollution Control Board ◽  
Treatment Facilities ◽  
The Government ◽  
Novel Coronavirus

Considering the widespread transmission of Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) globally, India is also facing the same crisis. As India already has inadequate waste treatment facilities, and the sudden outbreak of the COVID-19 virus has led to significant growth of Bio-medical waste (BMW), consequently safe disposal of a large quantity of waste has become a more serious concern. This study provides a comprehensive assessment of BMW of India before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. Additionally, this article highlights the gaps in the implementation of BMW rules in India. This study uses various government and non-government organizations, reports and data specifically from the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB). The finding of the study demonstrated that most of the States/Union Territories (UTs) of India are lacking in terms of COVID-19 waste management. India has generated over 32,996 mt of COVID-19 waste between June and December 2020. During this period, Maharashtra (789.99 mt/month) is highest average generator of COVID-19 waste, followed by Kerala (459.86 mt/month), Gujarat (434.87 mt/month), Tamil Nadu (427.23 mt/month), Uttar Pradesh (371.39 mt/month), Delhi (358.83 mt/month) and West Bengal (303.15 mt/month), and others respectively. We draw attention to the fact that many gaps were identified with compliance of BMW management rules. For example, out of all 35 States/UTs, health care facilitates (HCFs), only eight states received authorization as per BMW management rules. Moreover, the government strictly restricted the practice of deep burials; however, 23 States/UTs are still using the deep burial methods for BMW disposal. The present research suggests that those States/UTs generated on an average of 100 mt/month COVID-19 waste in the last 7 months (June–December 2020) should be considered as a high priority state. These states need special attention to implement BMW rules and should upgrade their BMW treatment capacity.

scholarly journals Molecular characterization of chickpea chlorotic dwarf virus and peanut witches’ broom phytoplasma associated with chickpea stunt disease and identification of new host crops and leafhopper vectors in India

3 Biotech ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Madem Gurivi Reddy ◽  
Virendra Kumar Baranwal ◽  
Doddachowdappa Sagar ◽  
Govind Pratap Rao
Keyword(s):  
Sequence Comparison ◽  
Disease Incidence ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Rflp Analysis ◽  
Dwarf Virus ◽  
Rrna Gene ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
New Host ◽  
Severe Stunting ◽  
Virtual Rflp

AbstractAn investigation was carried out to identify and characterize the phytoplasma and viruses associated with the chickpea varieties showing severe stunting, leaf reddening, yellowing and phyllody symptoms during the summer season of 2018–2019 and 2019–2020 in eight states of India. The average disease incidence was recorded from 3 to 32% in different states. The presence of chickpea chlorotic dwarf virus (CpCDV) was confirmed in thirty-seven chickpea samples by amplification of CpCDV coat protein gene and sequence comparison analysis. No record of association of luteovirus, polerovirus and cucumovirus could be detected in any of the symptomatic chickpea samples by RT-PCR assay. Brassica nigra, B. juncea, Lens culinaris, two weeds (Heteropogan contartus, Aeschynomene virginica) and one leafhopper (Amarasca biguttula) were identified as new putative hosts for CpCDV. Association of peanut witches’ broom phytoplasma was confirmed in twenty-eight chickpea samples, Sesamum indicum, five weeds hosts and two leafhopper species (Exitianus indicus, Empoasca motti) using nested PCR assays with primer pairs P1/P7 and R16F2n/R16Rn. The results of phytoplasma association in plants and leafhopper samples were further validated by using five multilocus genes (secA, rp, imp, tuf and secY) specific primers. Sequence comparison, phylogenetic and virtual RFLP analysis of 16S rRNA gene and five multilocus genes confirmed the identity of association of 16SrII-C and 16SrII-D subgroups of phytoplasmas strain with chickpea samples collected from Andhra Pradesh (AP), Telangana, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and New Delhi. Mixed infection of phytoplasma (16SrII-D) and CpCDV was also detected in symptomatic chickpea samples from AP and Telangana. The reports of association of 16SrII-C subgroup phytoplasma in chickpea and 16SrII-D subgroup phytoplasma in C. sparsiflora and C. roseus are the new host records in world and from India, respectively.

Growth of research journals in India during last decade (2005-2014): an overview

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 143-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ramesh Pandita ◽  
Meenakshi Koul ◽  
Shivendra Singh
Keyword(s):  
English Language ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Study Data ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Journal Publishing ◽  
The Past ◽  
Research Journal ◽  
National Science ◽  
New Research

Purpose The purpose of this study is to reflect a growing trend toward the introduction of new research journals in India. The study focuses on the number of journals introduced in India during the past decade, namely, for the period 2005-2014. Some of the key aspects analyzed include year-wise distribution of journals introduced, cumulative and annual corresponding growth of newly introduced journals, publishing form of journals, namely, online, print and hybrid. Some other aspects studied include distribution of journals on the basis of language, periodicity, state, etc. for both online and print journals. Design/methodology/approach To undertake the present study, data were retrieved from the official website of the National Science Library, New Delhi, and the analysis is based on the number of ISSN numbers issued by the National Science Library New Delhi during the period of study. Findings A total of 15,631 research journals were introduced in India from 2005 through 2014. Compared to 4,954 (31.69 per cent) online journals, 10,614 (67.90 per cent) print journals were introduced in India during the past decade, depicting print as the larger medium of journal publishing in India. During the period of study, research journals in India grew annually at 31.44 per cent. New Delhi, Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh emerged as the three leading research journal publishing states of the country, while 82.86 per cent journals are published in English language and a maximum 32.52 per cent journals are published on a quarterly basis. Originality/value The study is first of its kind undertaken in India.

Tomato leaf curl New Delhi virus. [Distribution map].

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Tamil Nadu ◽  
Uttar Pradesh ◽  
Tomato Leaf ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Distribution Map ◽  
Tomato Leaf Curl ◽  
Virus Distribution ◽  
New Distribution ◽  
Distribution In Europe ◽  
Leaf Curl

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Tomato leaf curl New Delhi virus. Geminiviridae: Begomovirus. Hosts: tomato (Solanum lycopersicum) and other Solanaceae such as aubergine (S. melongena), potato (S. tuberosum), Capsicum spp. and Cucurbitaceae. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Europe (Italy, Sicily, Spain, Mainland Spain), Asia (Bangladesh, India, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Indonesia, Java, Iran, Pakistan, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Taiwan and Thailand) and Africa (Tunisia).

The Apogee of India - Nepal relations under NDA First Modi Government

2021 ◽  
pp. 166-171
Author(s):  
Afroz Ahmad ◽  
Usha Roopnarain
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Norms ◽  
First Time

The last Indian parliamentary election held in 2014, proved to be the finest example of India’s age-old commitment towards the pinnacle of democratic norms. India had set a niche by conducting the largest democratic franchise in history. First time ever since the 1984, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) achieved the majority in the Lok Sabha without clubbing with coalition partners. It also got the absolute mandate to rule India’s federal government by ending the Congress monopoly. Interestingly, the Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi in his campaigns criticized Congress-led United Progressive Alliance II (UPA II) for its impotency towards establishing friendly and cooperative relations with India’s neighbors. He also gave assurance that if his party (BJP) got the mandate, his leadership would adopt appropriate measures to resuscitate convivial ties with neighbors. Since forming the government, Prime Minister Modi has been persistently trying to pursue those promises by proceeding towards friendly ties with India’s neighbors. In the light of above discussion, this paper seeks to critically analyze the progress in Indo-Nepal relations under BJP government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Factionalism and Iranian Politics: The Post-Khomeini Experience

1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 27-49
Author(s):  
Sussan Siavoshi
Keyword(s):  
Iranian Politics ◽  
The Government ◽  
Fourth Session ◽  
Political Scene

The elections to the fourth session of the Iranian parliament (Majlis) were generally considered as the beginning of the end of factional politics in Iran. The typical journalistic analysis of Iranian politics, emphasizing the existence of two “moderate” and “radical” factions on the Iranian political scene, concluded that the “moderate” forces, led by President Hashemi Rafsanjani, had inflicted a decisive blow on the “radical” faction and neutralized the Majlis (which had been controlled by the radicals in its third session) as an impediment to the president's plan for reconstruction of the economy. Soon after the convening of the Fourth Majlis, however, the legislature challenged the authority of the Rafsanjani government either by initiating legislative bills to limit the authority of the president or by shelving the bills introduced by the government.

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