[Anon.], Why Did Gladstone Fall from Power? How May He Regain it? An Appeal to the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, MP, on the Eastern Question and the Disorganization of the Liberal Party, 2nd edn (London, London Co-Operative Printing, [c. 1886])

2021 ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Michael Partridge
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Party ◽  
Eastern Question ◽  
The Right

Radicalism, Pressure Groups, and Party Politics: from the National Education League to the National Liberal Federation

1980 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Auspos
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
General Election ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
National Education ◽  
Pressure Groups ◽  
Eastern Question

The National Education League came to prominence in the 1870s as the most militant of the pressure groups that spearheaded the so-called “Nonconformist Revolt” from the Liberal Party. The revolt began in 1870, reached its peak in 1873, and contributed to the Liberal defeat in the general election of 1874. It finally petered out in the wake of that defeat and the emergence of a revitalized liberalism during the Eastern Question agitation in the late 1870s. The National Education League was founded in 1869, and disbanded in 1877, in the midst of the Eastern Question agitation. Because its dates are coincident with the revolt, and because it did play a crucial role in that movement, the league's history has been treated as an integral part of the Nonconformist Revolt. The revolt itself has been generally interpreted as a sectionalist attack on the Liberal Party, launched by Nonconformist grievance organizations for narrow, and largely sectarian, aims. According to this view, the revolt ended when the Nonconformists finally accepted the notion of a comprehensive liberalism that transcended their particularist interests; when they recognized that, politically speaking, they were Liberals before they were Nonconformists.This explanation is misleading because it ignores the generally radical thrust of the Nonconformist Revolt and the agitations of groups such as the United Kingdon Alliance and the Liberation Society. In particular, the rise and fall of the National Education League cannot be understood solely within the context of Nonconformist politics.

New Netherlands government will shift to the right

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Air Travel ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Labour Market Participation ◽  
Heavy Goods Vehicles ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right

Significance The change in composition from a coalition between the Liberal Party (VVD) and Labour Party (PvdA) to one involving the VVD, the Liberal Democrats (D66), the Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA) and the Christian Union (CU) signifies a shift to the right of the political spectrum. Impacts Liberal economic policies are likely to increase labour market participation. New green policies such as investment in public transport and higher taxation on air travel and heavy goods vehicles' road usage are likely. The PVV is unlikely to return to previous levels of popularity as other parties have adopted more right-wing stances.

At the Threshold of Dissolution: the National Liberals and Bismarck 1877/1878

1988 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-340
Author(s):  
John F. Flynn
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Single Issue ◽  
Tax Legislation ◽  
History Of ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Practical Question ◽  
Actual Decision

Allied to Bismarck and more national than liberal, the National Liberal party split the liberal movement and became the largest and most successful party in Germany from 1867 to 1879. But it acted singularly ineffectively when it plunged headlong into the greatest crisis of its history by failing to support tax legislation during a year-long negotiation with Bismarck begun in the summer of 1877. For one thing, the party focused its attention on a single issue when many were at stake, any one of which could have been an obstacle to an agreement with Bismarck. Secondly, although its factions had continually demonstrated their willingness to reach unanimity, these agreements had taken so long to develop and lasted so briefly that in effect the party spent the greater part of a critical year in opposition to Bismarck. Furthermore, by weakening the degree of its commitments in response to Bismarck's hostility towards its demands, the National Liberal party appeared indecisive, unreliable and deceptive. The issue which had produced this inept behaviour was the implementation of the party goal of maintaining parliamentary power in Germany, specifically of assuring to the Reichstag the right to vote annually the sources of the revenue of the imperial government. The story of that issue is the concern of this article. It argues that knowledge of the tensions generated by divergent principles and goals on parliamentary rights will clarify both the schismatic tendencies and the character of the National Liberal party in the later 1870s. Thus the proper assessment of the role that the issue played in the history of the party requires that the actual decision-making process be counted at least equally with agreements. Whether continual co-operation among National Liberals on parliamentary rights was based upon increased hostility or cordiality has remained the critical and unanswered practical question.

The Limitations of the New Liberalism: The Politics and Political Thought of John Clifford

1984 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
George L. Bernstein
Keyword(s):  
Social Welfare Policy ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Individual Liberty ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Anglican Church ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Tariff Reform ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
The Right ◽  
And Behavior

Between the 1880s and 1914, British liberalism underwent a significant transformation. During this period, liberalism was redefined by liberal intellectuals so as to be more explicitly an ideology of social reform. At the same time, from 1906-1914 Liberal governments enacted a radically new social welfare policy. Both of these phenomena were the product of a growing awareness on the part of most Liberals that their party was critically dependent upon the votes of working men for electoral success. Following the formation of the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and the launching of Joseph Chamberlain's tariff reform campaign in 1903, the Liberals were faced with an overt challenge from both the left and the right to their claim to be the party of the working man. The articulation of a new liberalism—both as ideology and as policy—was central to the Liberal response to this challenge.If, however, the Liberal party were to persuade working-class voters that it remained the best political instrument for defending their interests and promoting their needs, the evidence of a transformed liberalism could not be limited to the ideology of intellectuals and the policy of the parliamentary party. The language and behavior of the party activists in the constituencies had to reflect a similar transformation. These were the men who represented liberalism to the local voter. At the same time, these were the men upon whom the national party depended for the unstinting work that was crucial to electoral success. This Liberal rank-and-file was dominated by middle-class Nonconformists. They shared with Liberals a belief in individual liberty and an abhorrence of privilege. Their political agenda—disestablishment of the Anglican church and an end to its privileged position in the education system, temperance reform, the application of Christian principles to foreign policy—reflected these concerns, and after 1886 it increasingly was identified with the policy of the Liberal party. To what degree, then, did the new liberalism affect them?

The appointment of Herbert Gladstone as Liberal Chief Whip in 1899

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth D. Brown
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Party ◽  
Family Responsibilities ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Way

Herbert Gladstone was much denigrated by his contemporaries, such as David Lloyd George, as a lightweight figure, a dwarf in politics very much in the shadow of his famous father. However, this chapter reveals that others have recognised Gladstone’s qualities and that he was the right person to be Liberal Chief Whip in 1899 at a time when the Liberal Party was, as he was, in something of a political wilderness. Faced with a divided Liberal Party, with declining income, as well as his own family responsibilities, Gladstone emerges as the right person to revive Liberal fortunes - especially as he was one of the few prominent Liberal politicians of the 1890s to recognise the importance of independent Labour representation in Parliament. Ultimately, of course, he was an important figure in brokering a secret parliamentary pact with Ramsay MacDonald, of the Labour Representation League in 1903, which paved the way for Labour winning 29, soon to be 30, parliamentary seats and the revival of the Liberals to 400 seats in 1906. This might have led the Liberal Party to accept a cuckoo in the nest but the action seemed right at the time.

Doves, Hawks, and other Birds of a Feather: The Distribution of Israeli Parliamentary Opinion on the Future of the Occupied Territories, 1967–1977

1980 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Avner Yaniv ◽  
Fabian Pascal
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
The Right ◽  
State List

Studies of the domestic sources of Israel's foreign policy have tended to treat Israel's parties as homogeneous blocs of opinion. Israel's political parties are implicitly arrayed in such analyses on a left-to-right continuum. This begins on the left with the New Communist List (RAKAH) and extends through the Israel Communist Party (MAKI), MOKED, Haolam Hazeh Koah Hadash, the Civil Rights Movement, SHELI, the United Workers Party (MAPAM), the Labour Party (formerly Ahdut Haavoda), Israel's Workers List (RAFI) and the Workers of Israel Party (MAPAI), the Independent Liberals, the Democratic Movement for Change, the National Religious Party, the Likud (composed of the state list, the Liberal Party, Laam, the Free Centre, the Greater Israel Movement, Shlomzion and Herut) and finally ends on the right with the ultra-orthodox Agudath Israel (AGI) and the Workers of Agudath Israel (PAGI). The left-to-centre part of this continuum is presented as moderate in varying degrees on questions relating to Israel's most cardinal external question, namely the terms of accommodation with the Arabs. The right-to-centre part of this same continuum is associated with hawkish views, which also vary in their degree of militancy.

World War I and British Left Wing Intellectuals: The Case of Leonard T. Hobhouse

1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 261-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold Smith
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Military Service ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Post War ◽  
Extension Of State ◽  
The Right ◽  
Military Victory

World War I brought about a crisis within the British Liberal Party for it confronted Liberals with issues which they found difficult to resolve on the basis of traditional liberal principles. On numerous occasions, Liberals were placed in situations in which they were forced to choose between liberal principles and illiberal measures which were necessary for the effective prosecution of the war. The dilemma of whether or not to support British involvement in the war was a painful one which many Liberals would have preferred to avoid, and it was followed by other scarcely less painful decisions involving conscription, the extension of state controls over the economy, freedom of expression and personal liberties, the future of free trade, the right to refuse military service on the ground of conscientious objection, and the larger problem of whether to seek military victory or a negotiated peace.The effect of the war on those Radical Liberal intellectuals who comprised an important segment of the left-wing of the Liberal Party was especially profound. Although they were not a highly organized group before 1914, there did exist a number of Radical Liberals who were bound together by their common agreement on the overriding importance of a “pacifistic” foreign policy and additional measures of social reform. This loose coalition of Radical Liberals was shattered by the war, for a large proportion of the group supported the war while others did not. Moreover, the issues generated by the war tended to drive the dissenting Radicals further to the Left, while the conservative assumptions of pro-war Radical Liberals became more prominent. By the end of the war the gulf between the two factions of Radical Liberals had become a deep chasm, and in the post-war years the division became a permanent one; many of those who had been dissenters during the war joined the Labour Party, while pro-war Radical Liberals tended either to remain in the Liberal Party or adopt an independent position.

Studies on the Eastern Question Part III. (Continuation from January and April Numbers.) (Chapter I—Bulgarian Independence.)

1911 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 680-704 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Scelle
Keyword(s):  
Single Case ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The People ◽  
Eastern Question ◽  
Precautionary Measures ◽  
Autonomous Province ◽  
The Right

1. The Chief Executive. — The Christian government of which Article 1 of the Treaty of Berlin speaks was to have as its first element a prince freely elected by the people.This liberty of election was not, however, absolute. A restriction was placed, but only one, we believe: no member of the reigning European dynasties could be elected Prince of Bulgaria. It is easy to discover the reason for this provision, which under a general and impersonal form, was aimed directly at Russia. It was not desired that a grand duke, installed in Bulgaria, should make of the Principality an autonomous province of the Muscovite Empire. Nothing in the protocols of the Congress of Berlin permits the belief that there was any desire to push the precautionary measures further than that. If this condition was fulfilled, that the prince elected by the people should not belong to a reigning dynasty of the Powers, the choice of the Bulgarians would not be contested. Article III states, however, that this choice must be confirmed by the Sultan with the assent of the great Powers. Apart from the single case referred to in the text, could this confirmation and assent have been refused? On this point even the language of the Treaty of Berlin and the protocols of the Congress are not at all clear. It seems that very little concern was shown over the accumulation on this point of the germs of a thousand difficulties. Neither was it foreseen what would be the effect of Article III in case, for instance, only certain Powers should have refused their assent. Would a majority have sufficed or would unanimity have been necessary? And what if the confirmation of the Sultan should have been given while the assent of the Powers had been refused, or inversely ? All are questions difficult of solution. Many constructions have been proposed. The simplest, we believe, is this one. If the election was to be free — and that was the intention of the Congress — the confirmation of the Sultan and the approbation of the Powers should properly have followed an election regularly conducted, that is to say, one in which the person elected did not belong to a reigning family. The opposition of the Sultan or of the Powers, if based upon personal considerations, would have conflicted with the principle of free election. The right of the Sultan was purely honorary. It calls to mind what happens in Egypt where the case is seen of an hereditary Khedive who receives the investiture. In saying “ hereditary ” we imply that the investiture could not be. refused. It is given, however, because nominally the Sultan is the suzerain of the Khedive, as he was, nominally the suzerain of the Prince of Bulgaria.

scholarly journals The Norwegian Workers’ Education Association: A Midwife of Labor's Breakthrough in Norway

2016 ◽  
Vol 90 ◽  
pp. 176-185
Author(s):  
Aslak Leesland
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Political Dominance ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Education Association ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right

Norway in the year 1900 would be more easily recognizable to a person from the global South than to a citizen of present-day Norway. One of Europe's smallest countries, with a population of 2.2 million, it was also one of the poorest. Still a predominantly agrarian country, it suffered from the side effects of early industrialization that other European countries had known for decades. Under pressure from a growing labor movement and an increasingly restive citizenry, the Liberal Party was spearheading reformist social policies and further democratization in Norway, whereas the Conservative Party resisted such reforms. A third party—the Norwegian Labour party—was founded by some local trade unions in 1887, but remained a marginal influence at the turn of the century even if the party won sixteen percent of the votes cast in the election of 1900. However, it was about to begin its meteoric rise from obscurity to political dominance. In 1899 a number of trade unions came together to found a national superstructure—the LO—with 1,500 registered members. This prompted employers to do the same. The Employers’ Association dates back to the year 1900. Next, the right to vote was extended to new groups of voters. Before 1898 only men with an income above a certain minimum could participate in elections, but universal suffrage for men was introduced in 1898. Women were then given the right to vote in local elections in 1910 and in parliamentary elections in 1913. These reforms were introduced by the Liberal Party.

scholarly journals SEPARATISM IN THE CONFLICTIZATION OF PUBLIC LIFE

2019 ◽  
pp. 123-129
Author(s):  
Mykola Obushnyi
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Party ◽  
Council Of Europe ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
Legal Principles ◽  
Scottish National Party ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
Legal Situation ◽  
New Varieties ◽  
The Right

The article deals with the coverage of one of the most conflicting contemporary social phenomena - separatism. Its emergence is compounded by the widespread of contradiction between two principles of modern international law - the selfdetermination of peoples and the territorial integrity of states. In seeking for resolving of this contradiction, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe recommends protecting the possibility of exercising the right of ethnic minorities to their selfdetermination without providing an autonomous right to their separation. Thus, the recommendation of the Parliamentary Assembly not only provided ample opportunity for a deeper understanding of the principle of self-determination of nations, but also expanded the use of new varieties of separatism terms: secession; irredentism; enosis; devolution. To confirm this conclusion, we have analyzed the activities of a number of separatist parties and movements legally operating in Europe, in particular in the United Kingdom (Scottish National Party), Canada (Liberal Party of Quebec), Spain (Buck Nationalist Party, Catalonia Independence Movement), etc. Concerning Catalonia's independence, the article emphasized that today in Europe, as in the whole world, such a political and legal situation has emerged that it is impossible to recognize its independence. Accordingly, any protests by the Catalans will be considered as unconstitutional. Given the conflicting nature of separatism both in Catalonia and in other regions of European countries, it is possible that the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe may subsequently propose changes and additions to the interpretation of international legal principles in order to more effectively remove the contradiction between the right of nations and the right to self-expression territorial integrity of states.

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