scholarly journals Indonesian Voting from Abroad: Highly Educated Citizen Participation in the 2019 Election at Tokyo Polling Station

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Sri Endah Pujiatin
Keyword(s):  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Home Country ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Voter Participation ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
External Voting ◽  
Survey Results ◽  
The Government ◽  
Election Commission

The political rights of Indonesian citizens living abroad have been guaranteed by law since 1953 and implemented by a joint committee between the General Election Commission and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As a developing country with increasing democracy, Indonesia’s external voting needs to be studied. Using the qualitative analysis of macro data and questionnaire survey in Tokyo, this study addresses the following questions: How is the implementation of external voting by the Indonesian government? How is the voter? How does the registration, administration, voting facilitation, and voting method influence voter participation in home country elections? The findings suggest that the government provides many resources to facilitate external voting. Nevertheless, survey results revealed that some facilitation was inadequate compare to the number of voters. Although highly educated citizens tend to have a high awareness of home country elections, problems in voting facilitation might prevent them from voting.

scholarly journals Study on Citizen Participation in Local Governance in Vietnam

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-109
Author(s):  
Nguyen Trong Binh ◽  
Nguyen Quang Giai
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Social Self ◽  
Social Basis ◽  
Survey Results ◽  
Development Goals ◽  
Countries In Transition ◽  
The Government

Abstract Reform to establish a democratic, citizen-centered government is an important orientation in the world and in Vietnam today. For Vietnam, how to promote and strengthen democratic governance must be one of the most crucial issues in order to achieve sustainable development goals. Based on the theoretical framework and survey results, this study evaluates citizen participation in local governance in Vietnam on seven main dimensions, including: (i) Transparency aims to ensure citizens’ right to know; (ii) Participation in elections; (iii) Outlining of policy initiatives; (iv) Policy discussion, social criticism and referendums; (v) Voluntary contributions and cooperation with the government in public-service delivery; (vi) Social self-governance; (vii) Supervision of the social realm. Research shows that the dominance of local government is very evident in the process of citizen participation. The policy implications for countries in transition like Vietnam are that, in order to increase citizen participation in local governance, the openness of local government should be enhanced. Of course, doing this well needs a certain social basis.

scholarly journals A Constitutional Dilemma: Local Elections amid of the Covid-19 Pandemic

Rechtsidee ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
H.P. Wiratraman ◽  
Risdiana Izzaty ◽  
Aldyan Faizal
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Right To Health ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Right To Life ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
Election Commission

On December 9, 2020, regional elections will be held simultaneously in 270 electoral districts across Indonesia. However, during this period the elections will be held amid the Covid-19 pandemic. This decision raised problems because the Government seemed to clash the protection of the right to health and the right to life due to the pandemic with political rights in the name of democracy. This clash ultimately created a constitutional dilemma. Elections has the potential to create election clusters considering the number of Covid-19 spread and transmission in Indonesia is still high and has not shown a significant decline. The General Election Commission (KPU) stated that the elections would implement health protocols. Nevertheless, holding elections is not just a matter of thorough preparation, but it is high risk, and also expensive. There will be a possible low voter turnout which could affect the legitimacy of the elections results. Facing this constitutional dilemma, an alternative to postponing elections through representative democracy can be an option. If it continues to be held, at least the Government must consider the safety of citizens first by controlling the Covid-19 pandemic, which clearly the mandate of constitutional rights as non-derogable rights, rights that cannot be reduced.

Netherlands withdraws a reservation to the Fourth Geneva Convention

1983 ◽  
Vol 23 (232) ◽  
pp. 29-29
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Geneva Convention ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Netherlands Antilles ◽  
Federal Department ◽  
The Government

The Government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, in a note dated 5 February 1983, received by the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs on 7 February 1983, withdraws, by declaration dated 25 January 1983, for the Kingdom in Europe and for the Netherlands Antilles, its reservation concerning Article 68, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949 relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War (Fourth Convention).

Cuba's “Equity without Growth” Dilemma and the 2011 Lineamientos

2012 ◽  
Vol 54 (03) ◽  
pp. 157-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Corrales
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Human Capital ◽  
Internet Access ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Bicycle Industry ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Two Sectors

Abstract Cuba faces a development dilemma: it promotes equity and human capital while failing to deliver economic growth. For the government, the country's equity and human capital achievements are a source of pride, a sign that its priorities are right. This essay argues instead that this “equity without growth” dilemma is a sign of malaise. Theory and evidence suggest that high levels of equity and human capital should produce high levels of economic growth. Because growth is often weak or negative, some onerous barriers to development must be present. These barriers, it is argued, are restrictions on property and political rights. By comparing Cuba and China across two sectors, the bicycle industry and Internet access, this article shows how these restrictions have hindered growth. It also assesses how Cuba's latest economic reforms, the so-called Lineamientos, will address Cuba's development dilemma. The impact may be minimal, but perhaps more lasting than previous reforms.

THE LIBERAL CONSTITUTION AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS

2010 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-149
Author(s):  
Fernando R. Tesón
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Customary Law ◽  
Trade Barriers ◽  
Customary International Law ◽  
Liberal Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Improved Methods ◽  
The U.S

AbstractScholars have debated the meaning of the foreign-relations clauses in the U.S. Constitution. This essay attempts to outline the foreign-relations clauses that an ideal constitution should have. A liberal constitution must enable the government to implement a morally defensible foreign policy. The first priority is the defense of liberty. The constitution must allow the government to effectively defend persons, territory, and liberal institutions themselves. The liberal government should also contribute to the advancement of global freedom, subject to a number of conditions, especially cost. The essay recommends improved methods to incorporate treaties and customary international law into the constitutional structure. Treaties should be approved by the whole legislature and should generally be self-executing. Customary law should be genuine, not fake, and consistent with liberal principles. Finally, based on economic theory and evidence, the essay recommends that liberal constitutions prohibit the government from erecting trade barriers. It concludes by tentatively proposing concrete constitutional language to implement these recommendations.

Don’t hatch the messenger? On the desirability of restricting the political activity of bureaucrats

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi
Keyword(s):  
Welfare Analysis ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Active Part ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Voter Perceptions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Workers

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.

An Analysis of Political Rights Situation during Musharraf Regime (1999-2004)

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-31
Author(s):  
Manzoor Naazer ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Shughla Ashfaq
Keyword(s):  
Legal Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Meaningful Change ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
The Government

The paper scrutinizes the political rights situation during the first five years (1999-2004) of Pervaiz Musharraf era. Musharraf had come into power after army had revolted over his dismissal as army chief by the prime minister. He strove to project soft image of his government to get legitimacy within the country and recognition from the outside world, particularly the West. He portrayed himself as a liberal leader and later also propagated his idea of “enlightened moderation” as a panacea for the miseries of the Muslim world. Despite his overtures, the political rights situation became bleak during his military rule and no meaningful change took place even during the first two years after country returned to “democratic rule.” Musharraf government denied people of their political rights to prolong his authoritarian rule. His rule was characterized by: arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of political leaders; repression of political activities; imposition of forced exile; political victimization in the name of accountability; attacks on rights to elect the government; military’s direct grip over affairs of state despite transition to the civilian rule; intimidation of opposition over legal framework order; and limitations on freedom of association.

Trolls Just Want To Have Fun

2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shefali Virkar
Keyword(s):  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Government

Over the last two decades, public confidence and trust in Government has declined visibly in several Western liberal democracies owing to a distinct lack of opportunities for citizen participation in political processes; and has instead given way instead to disillusionment with current political institutions, actors, and practices. The rise of the Internet as a global communications medium and the advent of digital platforms has opened up huge opportunities and raised new challenges for public institutions and agencies, with digital technology creating new forms of community; empowering citizens and reforming existing power structures in a way that has rendered obsolete or inappropriate many of the tools and processes of traditional democratic politics. Through an analysis of the No. 10 Downing Street ePetitions Initiative based in the United Kingdom, this article seeks to engage with issues related to the innovative use of network technology by Government to involve citizens in policy processes within existing democratic frameworks in order to improve administration, to reform democratic processes, and to renew citizen trust in institutions of governance. In particular, the work seeks to examine whether the application of the new Information and Communication Technologies to participatory democracy in the Government 2.0 era would eventually lead to radical transformations in government functioning, policymaking, and the body politic, or merely to modest, unspectacular political reform and to the emergence of technology-based, obsessive-compulsive pathologies and Internet-based trolling behaviours amongst individuals in society.

scholarly journals Elections and local government performance in Brazil

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (83) ◽  
pp. 580-599
Author(s):  
Pedro Luiz Costa Cavalcante
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Institutional Arrangement ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Government Performance ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
National Analysis

Abstract The 1988 federal Constitution introduced a complex and innovative institutional arrangement that not only reestablished political rights and democratic procedures, but also reinforced decentralization as a fundamental guideline for policy implementation in Brazil. As a result, municipalities have become pivotal actors in the policymaking process. Scholars of Latin American politics have given much emphasis to the causes and determinants of decentralization, but not much has been done toward a more general understanding of how this increased decentralization has affected policymaker behavior and policy outcomes. This paper aims to do exactly that. Specifically, it investigates how institutional arrangements and electoral competition affect local government performance. The theoretical basis is the electoral democratic theory that broadly highlights elections as instruments of citizen control in retrospective and prospective voting approaches. The research employs a large-N cross sub-national analysis based on a dataset of electoral, partisan, socioeconomic and public financial information collected from over 5500 municipalities. Local governments’ performance, our dependent variables, are synthetic indicators formulated from 2009 nationwide surveys on public education, health, housing and welfare services. The OLS regression results confirm the hypothesis that politics variables do matter in how politicians make decisions and implement policy under the new Brazilian democratic Era. The empirical evidences suggest that electoral competition does not present a direct effect on government performance, however, ideology and citizen participation do. Therefore, this paper helps to expand our understanding of a political system’s impact on public policy outputs, which is extremely important not only for academic purpose but also to support policymakers’ decisions.

scholarly journals Turkey’s “Zero Problems with the Neighbors” Policy: Was It Realistic?

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Askerov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Importance ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
National Interests ◽  
New Approach ◽  
The Government ◽  
Economic Developments

With the advancement of power in 2002, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has introduced revolutionary policies in Turkey in various realms, including foreign affairs. The new trend in the foreign policy focused on not having problems with neighbors. This could be possible or nearly possible theoretically but eliminating century-long and deep-rooted conflicts with some of the neighbors would not be easy in practice. The new idealistic/moralistic approach necessitated new ways of policy formulation based on mutual gains and unthinkable concessions on the part of Turkey. Ankara’s new approach had given a special importance to building bridges of trust with the neighbors, which also seemed attractive to the political leaders of the neighboring states. This idealistic/moralistic approach was vulnerable to the dynamic political and economic developments in the region and the world in general. The policy did not have a power of sustainability due to the various old, new, and emerging problems around Turkey and hence, the government had to give it up gradually and take a new course of foreign policy based on realistic approaches to defend its national interests.

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