The military security importance of the four conflict islands seen in the peace treaty negotiations during the Putin-Abe era

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-311
Author(s):  
Tai-Kang Choi
Keyword(s):  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Treaty Negotiations ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Military

Desertie naar de vijand in het Belgische frontleger tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Deel 2

2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-175
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Causal Link ◽  
World War ◽  
Criminal Records ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World ◽  
Front Movement

Over de motieven waarom Belgische militairen tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog naar de Duitse vijand deserteerden is al veel geschreven. Volgens de Franstalige patriottische pers en literatuur van kort na de Eerste Wereldoorlog was die desertie uitsluitend te wijten aan de defaitistische ingesteldheid van de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de talrijke aansporingen waarmee hun vier afgezanten naar de Duitsers (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert en Carlos Van Sante) de Vlaamse soldaten aan het IJzerfront bestookten. De Vlaamse historici probeerden die beschuldiging op allerlei manieren te weerleggen of schoven de verantwoordelijkheid voor die desertie in de schoenen van Antoon Pira en zijn Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond. Geen enkele historicus ging daarbij na wat de deserteurs zelf over hun desertie naar de vijand te vertellen hadden. Dit deden zij nochtans uitvoerig tijdens de verschillende gerechtelijke ondervragingen waaraan zij na de oorlog werden onderworpen wanneer zij konden worden aangehouden. Het feit dat zij daarbij al strafbaar waren van zodra zij wetens en willens deserteerden ongeacht hun eigenlijke motief, liet hen daarbij toe om dit motief vrij complexloos mee te delen. Geen enkele van de overlopers van wie het strafdossier bewaard is, gaf echter toe dat hij omwille van de Vlaamse kwestie was overgelopen. Oorlogsmoeheid en de behoefte om zijn familieleden terug te zien waren, zoals in alle legers, de voornaamste motieven waarom zij naar de vijand deserteerden. Ook de Belgische Militaire Veiligheid en de krijgsauditeurs slaagden er trouwens niet in om een verband te leggen tussen de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de Belgische deserties naar de vijand.________Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front army during the First World War (part 2)Much has already been written about the reasons why Belgian soldiers deserted to the German enemy during the First World War. According to the French language patriotic press and literature dating from shortly after the First World War that desertion was exclusively due to the defeatist attitude of the Flemish Front Movement and the many exhortations with which their four representatives to the Germans (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert and Carlos Van Sante) bombarded the Flemish soldiers at the Yser Front. Flemish historians attempted in a variety of ways to refute that accusation or they shifted the responsibility for the desertion on to Antoon Pira and his Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond (General Flemish Democratic Union). Not a single historian investigated what the deserters themselves had to say about their desertion to the enemy. However, the deserters gave extensive explanations during the detailed investigation that took place during the various judicial interrogations, to which they were submitted after the war if it was possible to arrest them. The fact that they were considered to have committed a criminal offence for having knowingly deserted whatever their actual motive, allowed them to communicate this motive without too many complexes. However, none of the defectors whose criminal records have been preserved admitted that he had defected for the sake of the Flemish Question.  As is the case in all armies, the main reasons for desertion to the enemy were war-weariness and the longing to see members of their family. The Belgian Military Security and the military auditors were not able either to establish a causal link between the Flemish Front Movement and the Belgian desertions to the enemy.

The Military, Security and Conflict

2015 ◽  
pp. 211-237
Author(s):  
Vincent Durac ◽  
Francesco Cavatorta
Keyword(s):  
Military Security ◽  
The Military

scholarly journals CHANGING OF PARADIGM IN MILITARY-POLITICAL THINKING IN THE DOCTRINES AND STRATEGIES OF MILITARY SECURITY OF UKRAINE OF THE 20th AND 21th CENTURIES

2021 ◽  
pp. 120-126
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Tsiurupa
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Military Strategy ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Political Thinking ◽  
Main Thesis ◽  
Political Response ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Creation ◽  
New Generation ◽  
The Military

The time limits of the life of one generation are about 25-30 years, so lived in the struggle for building its own state and its armed defence, this time for Ukraine goes down in the history of the first generation of creation and attempts to comply with four military doctrines (1993-2004-2012-2015), in which our own defence course was proclaimed. The theoretical basis of these official documents of significance were certain paradigms of military-political thinking, according to which Ukraine did not consider it a continuation of politics. The direction and principles of military policy (defence or security policy in European terminology) for modern Ukraine from the mid-20s of the XIX century, as well as 100 years ago, again came to the fore in connection with the implementation of previously abstract concepts " annexation "," occupation "," war ", which allegedly did not exist for our country in recent history. But today they have been embodied or, in the image of Franz Kafka, "reincarnated" into threatening forms of Russia's military practice against our state, the end of which is not yet visible in the near future. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of militarypolitical thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the creation of a "comprehensive defence system" with the integration of all forces of the state and civil society, law enforcement agencies and volunteers, administrative regions and territorial communities. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. We will prove that this is a philosophy of military security instead of the previously expressed doctrinal military-political ideas of entrusting a matter of national importance to the forces of the defence sector. The new generation of public life Ukraine will begin with a new paradigm of militarypolitical thinking, the central idea of which is the transition from hopes for the political levers of defence for international cooperation to the creation of a system of comprehensive national security with the synergistic potential of Ukrainianity.

scholarly journals Die Rolle der Habsburgermonarchie in den ersten drei Koalitionskriegen (1792–1809). Eine Fallstudie zur Darstellung der Überwindung von militärischen und politischen Krisen in der Neuzeit

2018 ◽  
pp. 401
Author(s):  
Patrick Plaschg
Keyword(s):  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Military

The aim of this work is to present the military and political role of the Habsburg monarchy in the French Revolutionary Wars and the Napoleonic Wars between 1792 and 1809. Within this belligerent period, the peace treaty of Pressburg, the central event in a series of several peace resolutions, is considered as Napoleon's greatest triumph. Therefore, the path of the Habsburg monarchy to this treaty and the overcoming of the crises of those years represent the central events, which are analyzed in this work.

scholarly journals RUSSO-JAPANESE PEACE TREATY NEGOTIATIONS AND PLANS FOR JOINT ECONOMIC ACTIVITY ON THE SOUTHERN KURIL ISLANDS

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhmakin Iliya ◽  
Voda Kristina
Keyword(s):  
Economic Activity ◽  
Kuril Islands ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Territorial Dispute ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Treaty Negotiations

The article analyzes the Russo-Japanese peace treaty negotiations in 2013-2019. Despite the rapprochement in the trade, economic, political and humanitarian spheres, the territorial dispute remains an obstacle, significantly complicating bilateral ties. There remain disagreements on the sovereignty over the southern Kuril Islands, on acceptable conditions for resolving a territorial dispute, as well as on the significance of the territorial dispute for the development of bilateral relations. The plans for the implementation of joint economic activities on the southern Kuril Islands are also analyzed. It is concluded that Russia and Japan need to continue to build upon the result of rapprochement initiated by the leaders of the countries and continue negotiations on the peace treaty that will upgrade their relations.

13. Military Security

2018 ◽  
pp. 191-205
Author(s):  
Michael Sheehan
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Traditional Approach ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
Nuclear Deterrence ◽  
Military Security ◽  
Important Field ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

This chapter discusses the continuing importance of military security, noting how International Relations has historically seen security almost entirely in terms of the military dimension. It first examines the impact of the broadening of the concept of security on approaches to the study of its military dimension before considering the key aspects of the traditional approach to military security and some of the most common ways in which states have sought to acquire it historically, such as war, alliances, and nuclear deterrence. The chapter then explores some of the difficulties in acquiring military security and how its pursuit can sometimes reduce, rather than increase, security. In particular, it analyses arms control as a means of achieving military security. Finally, it shows that military security remains an important field to study, even within a significantly broadened understanding of security as a multifaceted concept.

US Military Spending: A Perspective on the Restructuring Dynamics of the Defense Sector

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 606-628
Author(s):  
Eleonora Gentilucci
Keyword(s):  
Military Spending ◽  
The United States ◽  
Jel Classification ◽  
Defense Spending ◽  
Social Spending ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
Military Security ◽  
Military Expenditures ◽  
The Military

The political economy of defense spending is enormously important given its magnitude and its global implication. Since the late 1990s, world and US military spending has being rising. This trend appears to be in sharp contrast to the long-term forecast about the so-called “peace dividend” formulated after the fall of the Berlin Wall. In order to explain this trend of military expenditures in the United States, the restructuring of the defense sector (in terms of concentration and financialization), the shift from a focus on “defense” to “security,” and the role and influence of “vested interests” in this process leading to the creation of the military-security system, are taken into consideration. The relation between social spending and military expenditures is also discussed.JEL Classification: H56, H5, B5, F52, L16

Power and Military Impotence

Worldview ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 31-36
Author(s):  
Seymour Melman
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Economic Cost ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arms Race ◽  
Military Power ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Military Security ◽  
Special Force ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Military

After twenty-five years of a nuclear-military arms race, it is possible to define significant limits of military power for national security. These limits apply with special force to the nuclear superpowers. These same limits of military power also define new requirements for a disarmament process.Underlying the long discussion of disarmament among nations has been the understanding that lowered levels of armaments produce mutual advantage: the prospect of physical destruction is reduced; and the cost of armaments can be applied to constructive uses. The arms race from 1946 to 1971 between the United States and the Soviet Union has not improved the military security of either nation, and the economic cost to these two countries has exceeded $1,500 billion.

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