The Military, Security and Conflict

Author(s):  
Vincent Durac ◽  
Francesco Cavatorta
2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-175
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu

Over de motieven waarom Belgische militairen tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog naar de Duitse vijand deserteerden is al veel geschreven. Volgens de Franstalige patriottische pers en literatuur van kort na de Eerste Wereldoorlog was die desertie uitsluitend te wijten aan de defaitistische ingesteldheid van de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de talrijke aansporingen waarmee hun vier afgezanten naar de Duitsers (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert en Carlos Van Sante) de Vlaamse soldaten aan het IJzerfront bestookten. De Vlaamse historici probeerden die beschuldiging op allerlei manieren te weerleggen of schoven de verantwoordelijkheid voor die desertie in de schoenen van Antoon Pira en zijn Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond. Geen enkele historicus ging daarbij na wat de deserteurs zelf over hun desertie naar de vijand te vertellen hadden. Dit deden zij nochtans uitvoerig tijdens de verschillende gerechtelijke ondervragingen waaraan zij na de oorlog werden onderworpen wanneer zij konden worden aangehouden. Het feit dat zij daarbij al strafbaar waren van zodra zij wetens en willens deserteerden ongeacht hun eigenlijke motief, liet hen daarbij toe om dit motief vrij complexloos mee te delen. Geen enkele van de overlopers van wie het strafdossier bewaard is, gaf echter toe dat hij omwille van de Vlaamse kwestie was overgelopen. Oorlogsmoeheid en de behoefte om zijn familieleden terug te zien waren, zoals in alle legers, de voornaamste motieven waarom zij naar de vijand deserteerden. Ook de Belgische Militaire Veiligheid en de krijgsauditeurs slaagden er trouwens niet in om een verband te leggen tussen de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de Belgische deserties naar de vijand.________Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front army during the First World War (part 2)Much has already been written about the reasons why Belgian soldiers deserted to the German enemy during the First World War. According to the French language patriotic press and literature dating from shortly after the First World War that desertion was exclusively due to the defeatist attitude of the Flemish Front Movement and the many exhortations with which their four representatives to the Germans (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert and Carlos Van Sante) bombarded the Flemish soldiers at the Yser Front. Flemish historians attempted in a variety of ways to refute that accusation or they shifted the responsibility for the desertion on to Antoon Pira and his Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond (General Flemish Democratic Union). Not a single historian investigated what the deserters themselves had to say about their desertion to the enemy. However, the deserters gave extensive explanations during the detailed investigation that took place during the various judicial interrogations, to which they were submitted after the war if it was possible to arrest them. The fact that they were considered to have committed a criminal offence for having knowingly deserted whatever their actual motive, allowed them to communicate this motive without too many complexes. However, none of the defectors whose criminal records have been preserved admitted that he had defected for the sake of the Flemish Question.  As is the case in all armies, the main reasons for desertion to the enemy were war-weariness and the longing to see members of their family. The Belgian Military Security and the military auditors were not able either to establish a causal link between the Flemish Front Movement and the Belgian desertions to the enemy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 120-126
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Tsiurupa

The time limits of the life of one generation are about 25-30 years, so lived in the struggle for building its own state and its armed defence, this time for Ukraine goes down in the history of the first generation of creation and attempts to comply with four military doctrines (1993-2004-2012-2015), in which our own defence course was proclaimed. The theoretical basis of these official documents of significance were certain paradigms of military-political thinking, according to which Ukraine did not consider it a continuation of politics. The direction and principles of military policy (defence or security policy in European terminology) for modern Ukraine from the mid-20s of the XIX century, as well as 100 years ago, again came to the fore in connection with the implementation of previously abstract concepts " annexation "," occupation "," war ", which allegedly did not exist for our country in recent history. But today they have been embodied or, in the image of Franz Kafka, "reincarnated" into threatening forms of Russia's military practice against our state, the end of which is not yet visible in the near future. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of militarypolitical thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the creation of a "comprehensive defence system" with the integration of all forces of the state and civil society, law enforcement agencies and volunteers, administrative regions and territorial communities. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. We will prove that this is a philosophy of military security instead of the previously expressed doctrinal military-political ideas of entrusting a matter of national importance to the forces of the defence sector. The new generation of public life Ukraine will begin with a new paradigm of militarypolitical thinking, the central idea of which is the transition from hopes for the political levers of defence for international cooperation to the creation of a system of comprehensive national security with the synergistic potential of Ukrainianity.


Author(s):  
Michael Sheehan

This chapter discusses the continuing importance of military security, noting how International Relations has historically seen security almost entirely in terms of the military dimension. It first examines the impact of the broadening of the concept of security on approaches to the study of its military dimension before considering the key aspects of the traditional approach to military security and some of the most common ways in which states have sought to acquire it historically, such as war, alliances, and nuclear deterrence. The chapter then explores some of the difficulties in acquiring military security and how its pursuit can sometimes reduce, rather than increase, security. In particular, it analyses arms control as a means of achieving military security. Finally, it shows that military security remains an important field to study, even within a significantly broadened understanding of security as a multifaceted concept.


2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 606-628
Author(s):  
Eleonora Gentilucci

The political economy of defense spending is enormously important given its magnitude and its global implication. Since the late 1990s, world and US military spending has being rising. This trend appears to be in sharp contrast to the long-term forecast about the so-called “peace dividend” formulated after the fall of the Berlin Wall. In order to explain this trend of military expenditures in the United States, the restructuring of the defense sector (in terms of concentration and financialization), the shift from a focus on “defense” to “security,” and the role and influence of “vested interests” in this process leading to the creation of the military-security system, are taken into consideration. The relation between social spending and military expenditures is also discussed.JEL Classification: H56, H5, B5, F52, L16


Worldview ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 31-36
Author(s):  
Seymour Melman

After twenty-five years of a nuclear-military arms race, it is possible to define significant limits of military power for national security. These limits apply with special force to the nuclear superpowers. These same limits of military power also define new requirements for a disarmament process.Underlying the long discussion of disarmament among nations has been the understanding that lowered levels of armaments produce mutual advantage: the prospect of physical destruction is reduced; and the cost of armaments can be applied to constructive uses. The arms race from 1946 to 1971 between the United States and the Soviet Union has not improved the military security of either nation, and the economic cost to these two countries has exceeded $1,500 billion.


Author(s):  
Y. Lutsenko

The article provides a scientific analysis of the problems that exist in the sphere of national security of Ukraine. The problems in the sphere of state security of Ukraine are investigated, the concept and content of military security of Ukraine are considered in the light of modern challenges and threats. Attention is drawn to the fact that in the presence of military security, many tasks can be solved to ensure national security and create the necessary conditions for the stable development of political, economic, social, environmental, spiritual, intellectual, demographic fundamentals of society's life. The work emphasizes that military security can not be achieved only through the organization of state defense, and is a complex category, which is closely connected with many spheres of social relations and life of the state. It is noted that military security is the foundation of national security, the basis of the country's independence. In connection with this, the military security of Ukraine as one of the priority (basic) types of national security of the state can not be considered separately from the development of political, economic, social processes both on the European continent and around the world, and some features of the geopolitical situation In many cases, the directions and tasks of Ukraine's foreign policy are determined near its borders.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Zaikivskyi ◽  
Oleksandr Onistrat

Keywords: defense capability, intellectual property, regulatory support The conceptual issues of the legislation of Ukraine,which determine the state policy in the field of national security and defence, regardingthe settlement of issues related to ensuring the state defence capabilities are considered.The scientific publications on actual questions in this sphere concerningproblems and prospects of increase of defence capability of Ukraine are analysed.The role of intellectual property in all components of Ukraine's defence system hasbeen studied, and it has been noted that unresolved problems in the field of intellectualproperty management pose an increasing threat to Ukraine's national security.The importance of ensuring the protection of intellectual property in the process ofimplementing measures to improve the defence capabilities of the state and the needto improve legislation in this area is defined. Recommendations for improving the regulatory framework for national securityand defence in order to address the problematic issues of intellectual property in thisarea are submitted.State defence capability is the ability of state to defend itself in the event of armedaggression or armed conflict. It consists of material and immaterial elements and is aset of military, economic, social and moral and political potential in the field of defenceand appropriate conditions for its implementation.Resolving the issues of reforming not only the Armed Forces of Ukraine, but firstthe entire state, modernization and rearmament of the Ukrainian army has become avital necessity. Only the solution of this issue will allow to raise the defence capabilityof our state to the proper level for the preservation of independent Ukraine.Ensuring the military security of Ukraine largely depends on equipping the ArmedForces of Ukraine with modern types and models of weapons and military equipment,developed on the basis of intellectual property rights.It is the military-technical sphere where the objects of intellectual property rightsbelonging to the sphere of national security and defence are created, and the state isobliged to ensure their protection. This will increase the competitiveness of the domesticdefence industry and make claims impossible for anyone in the mass productionof weapons and military equipment for their own needs and for exports, which directlyaffects defence capabilities.And this requires proper protection of intellectual property rights both in theprocess of own production of weapons and military equipment, as well as in militarytechnicalcooperation.


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