scholarly journals On the Development of the Symbolic Meaning

2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2 (5)) ◽  
pp. 57-59
Author(s):  
Marianna Sargsyan

The article studies the process of the establishment of the symbolic meaning of a word. The author presents the lexical groups making up the core vocabulary of a given language which undergo changes in meaning more often and take on a symbolic function.The article also presents the similarities and differences between the two key types of symbols – traditional and authorial.

Author(s):  
Osamu Sawada

Chapter 1 introduces the aim and the target phenomenon of this book, that is, the dual-use phenomenon of scalar modifiers and the meaning and use of pragmatic scalar modifiers. After a brief overview of the current views on the notion of conventional implicatures (CIs) and the semantics/pragmatics interface, and observation of data for the dual-use phenomenon of pragmatic scalar modifiers, this book raises questions concerning (i) the similarities and differences between at-issue scalar meanings and CI (not-at-issue) scalar meanings, (ii) variations in pragmatic scalar modifiers, (iii) the interpretations of embedded pragmatic scalar modifiers, and (iv) the historical development of pragmatic scalar modifiers. It then also briefly outlines the core ideas and analytical directions used for answering these questions.


Author(s):  
Albert O. Hirschman

This chapter tackles the core vocabulary of economics: if there is to be an expanded economics, it would need a more complex vocabulary or discourse. This would also mean giving up one of the sacred cows of the discipline: the preference for parsimony—simple explanations of more complicated phenomena—so simple they can be more easily tested under conditions of the intellectual's making. Doing this might allow economists to admit otherwise forbidden topics for analysis—like love, avarice, and jealousy. Hirschman anticipates, in this sense, the importance of bridging the divide between emotions and behavior. To conclude, the chapter examines whether the various complications have some element in common.


Relational Thinking Styles is traced to Peirce’s phenomenology, his logic and concept of abduction. A process similar to Peirce’s descriptions of this phenomenological sort of proto-abduction is demonstrated and observed by means of the Davis Non-Verbal Assessment of inferencing styles. Noticing, or failing to notice, similarities and differences among things resides at the core of reasoning; all similarities and differences are discerned based upon the qualities of things, for there is no possibility of discernment without qualities to discern among. A mind cannot think about what it does not notice or has not previously noticed. Individuals become aware of similarities between things and ideas order and organize qualities, or properties, which distinguish one thing from another. Peirce’s practice of phenomenology as a whole comprises the qualitative core of reasoning. Since these three universal categories underlie the structure of Peirce’s philosophy as a whole, they underlie his logic as well. In particular, these phenomenological categories are essential for understanding his concept of abduction and, therefore, Peirce’s Logic.


Author(s):  
Barbara P. Harris

Like all pidgins, the lexicon of Chinook Jargon has a number of sources; although the core vocabulary is chiefly of Chinookan and Nootkan origin, English and French have also made large contributions, the percentage of each varying from time to time and from place to place. As Sankoff (1980: 145) points out, “Chinook Jargon remained highly variable throughout its history. Its vocabulary changed radically over time depending on the locus and proportions of its various groups of speakers, and because of the increasing dominance of English over time.” While most of the lexical items in the Jargon have been more or less satisfactorily accounted for, especially those of French and English origin, there remain a score or so of words for which an etymology either is not recorded or is of dubious accuracy. For some time, I have been attempting to track down the origins of as many of these ‘mystery words’ as possible, or to offer more probable sources than those usually cited. In this paper, I deal only with those items whose origin is apparently in or through French.


2004 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tine Breban

This article deals with adjectives of general comparison in English and Dutch, more particularly, with the core adjectives expressing identity and difference in both languages. These are, for identity, English same and identical and Dutch zelfde and identiek, and, for difference, English other and different and their Dutch counterparts ander, verschillend and verscheiden. Throughout, the contrastive description offered will be based on the analysis of corpus examples of these nine adjectives and on the quantification of their distinct uses. In the first place, I will investigate whether the grammaticalization claim made about English adjectives of comparison in Breban (2002) and Breban and Davidse (forthcoming) also applies to Dutch adjectives of comparison. According to this claim, the English adjectives of identity and difference have two distinct types of uses, fully lexical uses and textual — referential and cohesive — uses which are connected as points of departure and result of a process of grammaticalization. I will show that the same grammaticalization process characterizes the semantics of Dutch adjectives of identity and difference, which hence provides an additional, comparative, argument in support of the grammaticalization hypothesis. Secondly, I will, by elaborating the grammaticalization interpretation descriptively, propose a systematic overview of similarities and differences in the semantics of the English and Dutch adjectives of identity and difference. I will focus first on the different degrees of grammaticalization manifested by the English and Dutch adjectives. I will then investigate in what way the various meaning distinctions resulting from the grammaticalization process are distributed over the adjectives in both languages. This will give us some insight into the overall way in which the core adjectives of identity and difference are organized semantically in English and Dutch.


2003 ◽  
Vol 64 (5) ◽  
pp. 357-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Kelsey ◽  
Tom Diamond

Citations of articles published from 1990 to 2002 of faculty teaching at selected southern universities are counted and analyzed to form a core list of the most highly cited journals for the field of forestry. Core lists are developed for assistant, associate, and full professors; and citation differences among the three groups are analyzed. The core list of journals is compared with the list of primary forestry serials compiled by the Cornell Core Agricultural Literature Project. The analysis focuses on the similarities and differences of both studies, and discusses the importance of ecological and interdisciplinary journals to forestry research.


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-196
Author(s):  
Antonín Vašek

The present paper deals with the dialectal situation of the lexeme ogar,-a m.‘a young man’, ‘a youth’, ‘a son’, which belongs to the core vocabulary of the traditional Eastern Moravian dialect. The dialect called Wallachian is spoken around the towns of Rožnov, Valašské Meziříčí, Vsetín, Zlín, Vizovice, and Valašské Klobouky. In the southern part of the Wallachia region (around Zlín, Vizovice, and Klobouky), the expression is realized as ogara, -y / -i m. In addition, the same sense of the word ogar is common not only in the Silesian-Moravian dialectal region (namely, the Lachia area around Frenštát), which was likewise affected by Carpathian pastoral colonization in the past, but also the eastern Moravian dialectal island of Kelč with its very specific phonology. In Slovakia, the expression is found in two places. It is attested from the Spiš region (more specifically, from Veľký Šariš), where it has a pejorative meaning and is also used as a swearword (denoting a rather neglected young man). The second location is Revúca in the Slovak Central Mountains, where it denotes a tall man who is very thin - almost emaciated. In Poland, the word ogar is attested in the southern part of the Malopolska region around Ropčice (ogar - “czasem na dziecko wołają: Ty ogarze!”) and in the Zakopane region (ogarek - “2. przezwisko małych chłopców”). This information is confirmed as of the last quarter of the nineteenth century as well as the beginning of the twentieth century by Karłowicz's dictionary. Apart from that, the present-day Kraków urban dialect contains the expression agar ‘a youth’. The word ogar is not attested in the sense of ‘a boy’, ‘a youth’ in any other Slavonic or non-Slavonic language. As regards linguistic geography, the distribution of the word does not extend beyond the mountainous and sub-mountainous regions of the Western Carpathians. As it appears in several semantic varieties in multiple places around the Carpathian region but nowhere else, the word can be classified as a distinctly Carpathian expression. The alternate form ogarek, ogárek is a common diminutive derived by the suffix -ek and having a positive affective function. The form ogara found in southern Wallachia was most likely coined by analogy or by mistaking the indirect grammatical case of ogar for the nominative. Such a mistaken interpretation is quite plausible, given the fact that the area in question was less affected by the Carpathian pastoral colonization than the other regions. Hence the possible change of the nominative form of the word from ogar to ogara (and resulting in a different declensional pattern according to the keyword předseda). The lexeme ohař ‘a hunting dog’ is most likely to be an old borrowing from Eastern languages, which possibly indicates some degree of influence of those languages over the European area in question. As regards the Western Carpathian (and thus also the Moravian-Wallachian) ogar ‘a boy’ etc., it concerns a second borrowing of the same non-Slavonic word but with a different semantic content via Romanian (regardless of whether this non-Slavonic Eastern word got into Romanian directly or, rather, via a Slavonic language). In that sense, the word exists as yet another evidence of the Romanian linguistic (and perhaps also ethnic) involvement in the pastoral colonization of the Western Carpathians.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-150

The Hanlao language in Qinzhou city of Guangxi Province is a language blending the Zhuang language and Han dialects. The part of Han comes mainly from Cantonese, Pinghua and Hakka. Different source dialects influence Hanlao in distinctive levels. The core vocabulary of Hanlao language is mainly influenced by Zhuang, the influence of which becoming weaker towards the periphery. On the contrary, the Han dialects mainly affect the peripheral words of the Hanlao language. Hanlao thus obtains its present form through the restructuring of various source languages in a complex way.廣西欽州漢佬話是一種融合壯語、漢語的語言,漢語主要來自粵語、平話和客家話。各種來源語言在漢佬話中所處的地位不同:壯語的影響主要在核心詞部分,越往外圍影響越小;漢語則相反,核心詞部分影響小,越往外圍影響越大。各種來源語言經過了複雜的整合過程形成了漢佬話如今的面貌。(This article is in Chinese.)


Author(s):  
Ngwanamashiane R. B. Mothapo ◽  
Kerstin M. Tönsing ◽  
Refilwe E. Morwane
Keyword(s):  
The Core ◽  

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document