scholarly journals The Effect Analysis of Online Reading and Writing on the Political Socialization Process of Adolescents

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. 299-314
Author(s):  
Young-Soo Lee
1983 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 16-19
Author(s):  
Jack O'Neill

Probably the fundamental criticism within the discipline concerning conventional classroom interaction dynamics comes from our sister subsidiary, political socialization. This criticism takes two forms. One version focuses on the teacher's classroom role behavior. Dawson and Prewitt, for example argue that the democratic or authoritarian leadership style of an instructor is the one aspect of the teacher's role considered most important to the political socialization process. The instructor may or may not stress “disciplined learning of the material presented, rigid adherence to rules, and a deferential attitude toward himself as the authority figure.” The authors continue: The crucial notion for political socialization is that these conditions affect the political outlook of the students. Democratic leadership by the teacher fosters attitudes and skills consonant with democratic values. The authoritarian teacher induces his charges to think according to hierarchy and deference to power.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Marsh

Political socialization research has been characterized by a number of poorly documented but widely accepted generalizations. In particular, it has been assumed that indetgenarational consistency in political attitudes is the usual, if not the inevitable, outcome of the political socialization process in Western democracies.


Sociology ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E. Dowse ◽  
John Hughes

1970 ◽  
pp. 373-400
Author(s):  
Dobrochna Hildebrandt-Wypych

The following text presents various alternative theoretical approaches in political socialization research. Some of the theoretical insights provided by the functional, systemic and interpretative perspectives are identifiedin order to depict the discussion around the continuity and change within the political socialization research. Whereas in the firstperiod of political socialization research the aim was to explain the continuity in the development of political orientations, it was later forced to account for modificationand the potential for change (especially when addressing the interpretative issues of identity politics). After describing the field’stheoretical shifts, the life-course model of political socialization is presented. The life-course model attempts to deal with the problem of continuity and change in the political socialization process, pointing to its remarkable complexity and lifelong flexibility.It offers a systematic, interdisciplinary and holistic way of conceptualizing political socialization. It points to the importance of political socialization research in demonstrating interdependence between objective functions of the political system and subjective political learning of a reflexive individual.


SAGE Open ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 215824401244043 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Alaminos ◽  
Clemente Penalva

This article shows how the cognitive mobilization index, designed for use in observing potential political participation, can be used as an indicator of the political climate that a particular society is going through. Following a discussion of the theoretical elaborations (and their working definitions) of the concept of cognitive mobilization, a longitudinal study of various European countries is used to consider the question of how political crises influence cognitive mobilization indexes and what effects they have on the political socialization process among the youngest cohorts.


Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-73
Author(s):  
Bart Maddens

The political socialization of a sense of national belonging is problematic in a socio-political environment where children are confronted with multiple national identities. A survey was administered to a diversified sample of 1000 Flemish secondary school pupils, aged 17-18. The data show that most Flemish preadults,when asked, hesitate between the Flemish and the Belgian identity, which they moreover hardly consider as contradictory. This lack of a single evident fatherland somehow results in an absence of genuine patriotism. Significant in this respect is the fact that identification with the local community takes preference over allegiance to the nation. In addition, Flemish youth adopt a low-profile attitude towards both Flanders and Belgium. The political socialization process apparently does not effect an emotional attachment to either the Flemish or the Belgian political system . Obviously, respondents who vote fora Flemish-nationalistic party,or whose parents do so, tend to prefer the Flemish identity.


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