Media Law

Author(s):  
Simon Butt ◽  
Tim Lindsey

The Indonesian media is vibrant and expanding, although ownership concentration is a significant problem. This chapter describes the regulatory framework governing the media that was developed after Soeharto’s system of tight control was abolished. It pays particular attention to the Press Council and the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission. It also covers journalists’ associations, press freedom, censorship, and the right to privacy; and the law of defamation and related provisions in the law on electronic transactions and information. Freedom of information law and laws protecting state secrets are also covered. The chapter discusses two high-profile defamation cases that created controversy in Indonesia—those involving Prita Mulyasari and Tommy Soeharto. These reveal serious flaws in the current legal regime governing the media in Indonesia.

Author(s):  
Antonio Magdaleno Alegría

Los métodos que utilizan algunos periodistas para recabar información generan importantes conflictos. En nuestro país, las técnicas de investigación periodísticas han cobrado interés como consecuencia de que la STC 12/2012 ha determinado la prohibición constitucional del uso de la cámara oculta. Se trata de una decisión polémica, pues algunos profesionales de la información consideran que dicho pronunciamiento supone el fin del periodismo de investigación, con los consecuentes efectos negativos para el funcionamiento del sistema democrático. Si bien se considera que en los casos estudiados por el TC hasta el presente momento deben prevalecer los derechos a la intimidad y a la propia imagen sobre la libertad de información, no se comparte su prohibición total, pues pueden existir casos límite que, como consecuencia de la imposibilidad de utilizar otros métodos alternativos para obtener la información y de la gran relevancia pública de lo informado, podrían justificar la utilización de la cámara oculta. De no admitir esta posibilidad, se impediría a la prensa ejercer su papel de «perro guardián público» y, por ende, no serían de conocimiento público muchas cuestiones esenciales para el autogobierno de los ciudadanos.The methods used by some journalists to get information generate important conflicts. Journalistic investigation techniques have gathered interest in our country due to the constitutional prohibition of the use of hidden camera in the STC 12/2012. It is a polemic decision, as some professionals of information consider it implies the end of investigative journalism and therefore a negative effect on democratic system’s running. Up to now, in the cases studied at the Constitutional Court, it has been considered that the right to privacy and one’s own image should prevail over the freedom of information. Even so, the complete prohibition of the hidden camera is not shared as there may be extreme cases in which its use could be justified both due to the impossibility of using other alternative methods as well as to the public relevance of the information. If that possibility was not to be admitted, the press could not practice its role as «public watchdog» and therefore essential matters for the self-government of citizens may not be public.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (XX) ◽  
pp. 19-44
Author(s):  
Michał Kaczmarczyk

The concept of freedom of the press is closely linked to freedom of expression. Freedom of the media is an instrument of free speech and is derived from the freedom of expression, independence of thought, opinion, ideas and judgement. Freedom of the media is possible only if the state ensures real independence of expression, access to reliable information, freedom of publication and publishing. Respecting media freedom through non-interference by public auReceived thorities is an important part of the European standard of democracy, and is aligned with the essence of the liberal democratic regime. Ireland has a diversified market of newspapers and magazines, created by private entities, operating on the basis of well-developed guarantees of freedom of establishment that are deeply rooted in the Irish legal tradition. Freedom of speech, which is also enjoyed by the media, is enshrined in the Constitution, and appropriate institutions have been established to protect it, defending the right of the media to obtain and disseminate information, but also to safeguard the principles of law and ethics in journalism, combining the right of the press to express opinions and freely describe reality with the right of the beneficiaries of this activity (readers) to obtain information that is reliable, true, honest and credible. This article attempts to characterize the legal basis of press freedom in Ireland (both domestic and international) and to describe the institutions that uphold this freedom, ensuring that the media system functions properly as one of the subsystems of the social system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Abdul Haris Nasution

This study aims to describe the problems faced by the party who feels aggrieved or impaired by his personal rights due to media coverage. The dilemma arises because based on the legal system of the press, the media are given protection from lawsuits. This is to guarantee the position of freedom of the press in a democratic system. However, the impact that has been caused due to defamation cannot be resolved simply by using the right of reply. This study aims to explore how legal mechanisms provide justice for victims due to media behavior in line with the principle of press freedom in Indonesia. The results show that the Indonesian Press Law does not have a clear system of legal liability. The rule of conduct in the Press Law is absolutely not regulated. Thus, the right of reply that is contained in the media consciousness or "order" of the Press Council is not a binding and final decision because the Press Council's body only gives an opinion. Violation of the ethics of the press should not only have a moral sanction but also a legal sanction with all its consequences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. p20
Author(s):  
Chinedu C. Odoemelam ◽  
Uche V. Ebeze ◽  
Okorom E. Morgan ◽  
Daniel N. Okwudiogor

This study is situated within the normative theoretical framework, which focuses on the press in nations where the press is expected to assume the coloration of the political milieu within which it finds itself. The British colonial masters discovered the power of the press in the early 16th century and devised numerous schemes to restrict publication. Such policies were extended to her majesty’s colonies; for instance, the law of sedition in Nigeria. Freedom of the press is a right but it is a right that has been won only through many hard-fought legal battles like the one fought by John Peter Zenger in the seditious trial of 1735. There were several such trials for sedition in the colonies, and despite the acquittal of John Peter Zenger, the British colonial government went ahead to adopt such laws in her colonial territories. This was exemplified in the seditious offence ordinance that was in force in 1909 in Southern Nigeria. This study adopts the historical, legal research and critical paradigm technique to examine how the law of sedition has fared in inhibiting press freedom in Nigeria since 1914. The study provides an understanding of how colonial influence may affect laws regulating how the media function in independent States.


ADALAH ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anisa Mufida

AbstractArticle 27 paragraph (3) and Article 45 Paragraph (1) of the Law on Information and Electronic Transactions Number 11 of 2008 regulates criminal prosecution of defamation in the Republic of Indonesia, whereas in Saudi Arabia stipulates it in article 3 which states a sentence of imprisonment for a term no more than one year and a fine not exceeding five hundred thousand riyals (2 billion), or one of these two sentences. Judges in Indonesia usually impose conditional penalties for defendants of defamation by considering press freedom and opinion, the rights of consumers and patients, and the right to obtain information before convicting convictions, in contrast to Saudi Arabia which provides final decisions in accordance with applicable law.Keywords: Defamation, ITE, Judges.AbstrakPasal 27 ayat (3) dan Pasal 45 Ayat (1) UU ITE mengatur tentang pemidanaan pencemaran nama baik di negara Republik Indonesia, sedangkan di Arab Saudi menetapkannya dalam pasal 3 yang menyatakan Hukuman penjara untuk jangka waktu tidak lebih dari satu tahun dan denda tidak melebihi lima ratus ribu riyal (2 milyar), atau salah satu dari dua hukuman ini. Hakim di Indonesia biasanya menjatuhkan  pidana  bersyarat  bagi  terdakwa pencemaran nama baik dengan  mempertimbangkan kemerdekaan pers dan berpendapat, hak konsumen dan pasien, serta hak untuk mendapatkan informasi sebelum menjatuhkan putusan pemidanaan, berbeda dengan Arab Saudi yang memberikan putusan akhir sesuai dengan undang-undang yang berlaku.Kata Kunci : Pencemaran Nama Baik, ITE, Hakim.


Author(s):  
Kalyani Chadha ◽  
Sachin Arya

Since the late 1990s, the news media landscape in India has experienced widespread and arguably transformative shifts that are manifest in the explosive growth of media outlets and consumption at both national and regional levels. As of 2021, the country has over 100,000 registered periodicals and newspapers, with 17,000 dailies that report a combined circulation of over 240 million copies according to government data, as well as an estimated 400 news and current affairs channels and numerous news-related websites. Yet despite the existence of a seemingly dynamic and expansive news landscape, many observers have expressed significant concerns about the independence of the Fourth Estate in the world’s largest democracy. According to the annual World Press Freedom Index, compiled by the media watchdog group Reporters without Borders, India has experienced a steady decline in press freedom since 2015, slipping from a position of 135/180 in 2015 to 140/180 in 2019, and 142 in the 2020 report. At present, India ranks behind most of its neighbors, including Afghanistan (122), Bhutan (67), Nepal (112), and Sri Lanka (127). Thus, even though the writers of India’s constitution clearly recognized the right to the freedom of the press as an essential part of the freedom of speech and expression as guaranteed in Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution, and this right has generally been upheld in court, the space for the free expression of views and critique by the press—widely recognized as crucial to democratic functioning—has been shrinking consistently in the Indian context due to a variety of threats ranging from physical violence and intimidation of journalists, and government pressure on news outlets to structural economic forces.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miral Sabry AlAshry

Purpose The purpose of this study is to investigate Libyan journalists’ perspectives regarding the media laws Articles 37,132, 38 and 46, which address media freedom in the new Libyan Constitution of 2017. Design/methodology/approach Focus group discussions were done with 35 Libyan journalists, 12 of them from the Constitution Committee, while 23 of them reported the update of the constitution in the Libyan Parliament. Findings The results of the study indicated that there were media laws articles that did not conform to the international laws and United Nations treaties, which the Libyan Parliament committee approved. Another finding from the journalists was the Constitution should provide and guarantee press freedom, while media laws articles approved to put a paragraph about “censorship” in the press and media as a tool to silence government opposition. In addition, journalists indicated future constitution should redraft Article 38 to conform with Article 19 of the “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,” to support the “principles of freedom of expression and information” without control. Moreover, Article 46 needs to be changed and linked to the “provisions of international law on the right of information access” to improve the access and dissemination of information in the media. Practical implications Redrafting the constitution articles in the future can be summarised as follows: First, the Libyan Constitution should provide and guarantee press freedom without any censorship and include clear articles to protect journalists in conflict zones. Second, Articles 37,132 and 38, about “freedom of information and publication,” need to be redrafted to link with Article 19 of the “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,” to support the principles of freedom of expression and information, and the use of this right must not be subject to prior control. Third, Article 46 needs to be changed and linked to the provisions of “International law on the Right of Access to Information” to improve access and dissemination of information in the media to protect confidentiality sources. The most important articles should be implemented (freedom of information and personal information act) because after the Arab Spring revolutions, there was a transitional period in societies and a change in the constitutions of Tunisia and Egypt. They developed legal articles about media freedom so that Libya resembles other Arab countries. From that point, the journalists recommended that all information should be protected from government interference to ensure transparency, combat corruption and protect independent journalists. These articles will open the way to add more development articles to media freedom rules in the Journalists’ Syndicate. Fourth, there are also various types of threats encountered by journalists in their work. In pursuit of their right and freedom of expression, they recommended that Libya must establish an independent self-regulatory media that are free from political and economic influence. Fifth, journalists need licenses for them to work through the syndicate. The new syndicate should play an active role to safeguard the rights of journalists, activists and media entities to carry out their work and end the self-censorship. Sixth, the constitution should also add articles to end the impunity and change the articles in the penal code. Overall, the journalists covering the conflict and war are encountering threats, violence and imprisonment. As a result, Libyan journalists must seek new legislation to defend independent journalism and freedom of expression in their deeply divided country. In addition, they need to have a strong central authority to defend journalists and journalism in wartime, where journalists are regularly threatened, abducted and sometimes killed. Also, the Libyan Journalists Syndicate should stress the importance of the media’s self-regulation to guarantee their rights to freedom of expression, grant their readers’ respect and minimise government’s interference. Finally, they need to develop new laws to grant media freedom from regulations and restrictions, as well as defend and promote democracy, the citizens’ right to be informed, as well as their right to discuss and disseminate information. There is also the need to implement articles in the constitution, articles about the protection of political speech, which would be specific enough to differentiate between what is legally permitted and what may be ethically offensive. Originality/value This study will help the new Libyan parliament after the legislative elections on 24 December 2021 to amend the media laws articles in the constitution.


Rechtsidee ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Sri Ayu Astuti

Law No. 40 of 1999 on Press is a manifestation of respect for the legal protection of press workers . Press in their role contributes to the intellectual level of the nation, through the information submitted in news publications, as well as bringing stipulated by the 1945 Constitution of Republic of Indonesia on freedom of thought and speech as Human Rights. However, in carrying out their journalistic duties, the Press should have responsibilities in the news process, and must not violate the ethics of his profession. Press that violates profession intentionally or unintentionally in the writing and publication of news in the public sphere, will still do the law enforcement process for any misuse of the meaning of freedom of speech and thought that harm others. Enforcement of this law, in line with the revocation of the right of immunity of profession issued by the Constitutional Court, which means the Press as a Professional must do the job with the precautionary principle, not by carelessness due to the trapped arrogance of jobs, and injuring other people's human rights, even doing work profession with not commendable behavior. How To Cite: Astuti, S. (2014). The Law Enforcement of Journalism Profession in The Context of Press Freedom. Rechtsidee, 1(2), 175-190. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.21070/jihr.v1i2.97


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 13-20
Author(s):  
Modu Alh. Bukar Bukar ◽  
Mohammed Kaka ◽  
Mai Dunoma Zannah

The paper is to examine the influence of press freedom and media ownership in the performance of the media institutions in the United States of America and Federal Republic of Nigeria. However, in order to set for such discourse there is indispensable need to review some of the normative theories of the media, which will enable us to locate the appropriate principles guiding the operation of the media in each countries under study. The subdivided into: Abstract, Introduction, Normative Theories of the press, press freedom in United States, press freedom in Nigeria (democracy and press freedom, freedom of information act and conclusion). The analysis concludes that, The United States even has provision in their law and constitution forbidding state interference in the area of information content and dissemination. In Nigeria however, the state control society including the mass media. In this regard, whether media are owned by public or private individuals, they are only meant to service the government in power and were forbidden to criticize the government or its functionaries. The paper recommends that, For Nigerian press to be free the country should militate the all laws or factors that against the press freedom and Members of the Nigerian press must adhere to the ethics of the profession, in order to compete with others freers press of the other countries.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Rose

The Literary Agenda is a series of short polemical monographs about the importance of literature and of reading in the wider world and about the state of literary education inside schools and universities. The category of 'the literary' has always been contentious. What is clear, however, is how increasingly it is dismissed or is unrecognised as a way of thinking or an arena for thought. It is sceptically challenged from within, for example, by the sometimes rival claims of cultural history, contextualized explanation, or media studies. It is shaken from without by even greater pressures: by economic exigency and the severe social attitudes that can follow from it; by technological change that may leave the traditional forms of serious human communication looking merely antiquated. For just these reasons this is the right time for renewal, to start reinvigorated work into the meaning and value of literary reading. For the Internet and digitial generation, the most basic human right is the freedom to read. The Web has indeed brought about a rapid and far-reaching revolution in reading, making a limitless global pool of literature and information available to anyone with a computer. At the same time, however, the threats of censorship, surveillance, and mass manipulation through the media have grown apace. Some of the most important political battles of the twenty-first century have been fought--and will be fought--over the right to read. Will it be adequately protected by constitutional guarantees and freedom of information laws? Or will it be restricted by very wealthy individuals and very powerful institutions? And given increasingly sophisticated methods of publicity and propaganda, how much of what we read can we believe? This book surveys the history of independent sceptical reading, from antiquity to the present. It tells the stories of heroic efforts at self-education by disadvantaged people in all parts of the world. It analyzes successful reading promotion campaigns throughout history (concluding with Oprah Winfrey) and explains why they succeeded. It also explores some disturbing current trends, such as the reported decay of attentive reading, the disappearance of investigative journalism, 'fake news', the growth of censorship, and the pervasive influence of advertisers and publicists on the media--even on scientific publishing. For anyone who uses libraries and Internet to find out what the hell is going on, this book is a guide, an inspiration, and a warning.


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