State–Press Relationship in Post-1997 Hong Kong: Constant Negotiation amidst Self-Restraint

2007 ◽  
Vol 192 ◽  
pp. 949-970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ma Ngok

AbstractTen years after the handover, Hong Kong's media faced multiple pressures. There were few cases of outright prosecution of the media, but there were subtle political and economic pressures. Co-optation of media bosses, fear of losing advertising revenue and media takeovers by pro-Beijing figures brought some of the media into line. This brought editorial shift and self-censorship, as the media systematically shied away from stories that might antagonize Beijing, underplayed negative news for the government and gave the democrats less favourable coverage. Interviews with journalists showed little evidence of ostensible intervention from government officials or media bosses, but newsroom socialization and editorial gatekeeping are effective constraints. The constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press and the moral force of professional ethics lent the media the room to defend and negotiate their freedom, but the pervasive fear induced by the political environment invariably overpowered the resistance and constrained press freedom in Hong Kong.

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37-51
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


Author(s):  
Nsikak Solomon Idiong

The media, like other institutions, do not exist in a vacuum. They operate within societies, within geo-political entities, and within the framework, restrictive or liberal, provided by other institutions and structures within any given society. Government is one of the most important factors that influence the operations of the media. Ideally, the relationship between the government and the media should be symbiotic, but in Nigeria, that relationship is often adversarial. Although some scholars have argued that the media cannot afford to be in cahoots with the government if the public’s information needs are to be served, a counter-argument is provided in this paper to the effect that the aims of development journalism and of social responsibility cannot be easily achieved if politicians and journalists cannot find a way of coexisting. The authors of this paper point to instances where governments were toppled because of their perceived insouciance and their intolerance toward press freedom. Conversely, journalists are reminded of the media’s role in the Rwandan Genocide of 1994, when some of the media were accused of beating the drums of discord and of internecine strife. In conclusion, the argument is made that the liaison between government and the media is one of society’s most important relationships and whoever trifles with that balance endangers not just the press and the government but the very survival of civilized society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 13-20
Author(s):  
Modu Alh. Bukar Bukar ◽  
Mohammed Kaka ◽  
Mai Dunoma Zannah

The paper is to examine the influence of press freedom and media ownership in the performance of the media institutions in the United States of America and Federal Republic of Nigeria. However, in order to set for such discourse there is indispensable need to review some of the normative theories of the media, which will enable us to locate the appropriate principles guiding the operation of the media in each countries under study. The subdivided into: Abstract, Introduction, Normative Theories of the press, press freedom in United States, press freedom in Nigeria (democracy and press freedom, freedom of information act and conclusion). The analysis concludes that, The United States even has provision in their law and constitution forbidding state interference in the area of information content and dissemination. In Nigeria however, the state control society including the mass media. In this regard, whether media are owned by public or private individuals, they are only meant to service the government in power and were forbidden to criticize the government or its functionaries. The paper recommends that, For Nigerian press to be free the country should militate the all laws or factors that against the press freedom and Members of the Nigerian press must adhere to the ethics of the profession, in order to compete with others freers press of the other countries.


Author(s):  
Michael D. Metelits

The Arthur Crawford Scandal explores how nineteenth century Bombay tried a British official for corruption. The presidency government persuaded Indians, government officials, to testify against the very person who controlled their career by offering immunity from legal action and career punishment. A criminal conviction of Crawford’s henchman established the modus operandi of a bribery network. Subsequent efforts to intimidate Indian witnesses led to litigation at the high court level, resulting in a political pressure campaign in London based on biased press reports from India. These reports evoked questions in the House of Commons; questions became demands that Indians witnesses against Crawford be fired from government service. The secretary of state for India and the Bombay government negotiated about the fate of the Indian witnesses. At first, the secretary of state accepted the Bombay government’s proposals. But the press campaign against the Indian witnesses eventually led him to order the Government of India, in consultation with the Government of Bombay, to pass a law ordering those officials who paid Crawford willingly, to be fired. Those whom the Bombay government determined to be extorted were not to be fired. Both groups retained immunity from further actions at law. Thus, Bombay won a victory that almost saved its original guarantee of immunity: those who were fired were to receive their salary (along with periodic step increases) until they reached retirement age, at which time they would receive a pension. However, this ‘solution’ did little to overcome the stigma and suffering of the fired officials.


1998 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orayb Aref Najjar

This study examines press liberalization in Jordan. It argues that Jordan's evolving relations with Palestinians, its peace agreement with Israel, and media globalization have changed the context within which the Jordanian media operate and have given the government some flexibility to liberalize the press starting in 1989. However, some of the same issues that have led to press restrictions in the past have precipitated the introduction of “The Temporary Law for the Year 1997” while the parliament was not in session. The study concludes that the presence of a a loose coalition of forces working for press freedom coupled with the January 1998 High Court decision declaring the temporary law unconstitutional suggest it is premature to read a eulogy for Jordanian press freedom.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 554-566 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Flavin ◽  
Fielding Montgomery

The media can play an important role in the relationship between citizens and their government by acting as a watchdog and providing timely information about malfeasance and corruption. We examine whether citizens’ perceptions of government corruption are closer to country experts’ assessments in countries where there are higher levels of press freedom. Using data on citizens’ perceptions of government corruption and country expert evaluations of levels of political corruption for over 100 countries, we present evidence that the relationship between expert measures of corruption and citizens’ perceptions is heightened as the level of press freedom increases across our sample. These findings suggest that a free press can play an important role in bringing corruption to light, educating citizens, and potentially allowing them to better hold their elected officials accountable.


Significance The issue of media independence has become a fraught one under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's administration, with perceptions rising among journalists and the public that the government is subjecting the media to political pressure. Critics of the administration speak of censorship and threats to freedom of expression. Japan's ranking in the World Press Freedom Index has fallen from 22nd in 2011-12, before Abe took office, to 61st in 2015. Impacts The government seems likely to try to marginalise the criticisms of constitutional scholars, like it marginalises its other critics. International media as well as domestic journalists are likely to feel some pressure from the authorities. In the near term, the issue is unlikely to destabilise the government, or derail passage of security legislation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-26
Author(s):  
Sami Kolamo ◽  
Jani Vuolteenaho

Berliinin vuoden 1936 olympialaiset olivat aikansa massiivisin ja järjestelyiltään erityisen tarkasti harkittu propagandanäytös, jossa esiteltiin ”uutta uljasta Saksaa” urheilua seuraavalle kansainväliselle yleisölle. Yhtäaikaisena tavoitteena oli Saksan kansalaisten ”spirituaalinen mobilisaatio” natsihallinnon hegemonian lujittamiseksi. Analyysimme ytimessä on yhdistetyn propagandan käsite. Arnd Krüger viittaa käsitteellään samanaikaisesti valtion sisä- ja ulkopuolelle suuntautuvaan mediavälitteiseen kokemusten muokkaamiseen ja kielteisten mielikuvien häivyttämiseen myönteisten mielikuvien tieltä.Lähestymme mediateollisuutta ja sen roolia Berliinin olympialaisten kokemuksellisessa tuotannossa kolmesta toisiinsa limittyvästä näkökulmasta. Ensiksikin havainnoimme sitä, millä tavoin media- ja kaupunkitila linkittyivät yhteen olympialaisten organisoinnissa ja esillepanossa. Ennen olympialaisia kaupunkitiloja ehostettiin ja siivottiin rotuopin ja -sorron merkeistä. Propagandististen kaupunkitilojen tuottamiseen osallistettiin aktiivisesti myös paikallisia ihmisiä. Toiseksi kiinnitämme huomiota mediateknologioiden eli lehdistön, radion ja television rooliin megatapahtuman tarinallistamisessa ja intensiivisen kisatunnelman kohottamisessa. Goebbels kuvaili lehdistöä ”suureksi näppäimistöksi, jota hallitus voi soittaa”. Natsipropagandan viestintäteknologioista radio oli erityisen keskeisessä asemassa. Olympialaisten aikana kisojen pääväylän, olympiastadionille johtavan Via Triumphaliksen varrelle sijoitettiin kaiuttimia, joiden kautta olympialaisten tapahtumat levisivät lähiympäristöön ja kokosivat ihmisiä yhteisen kokemuksen äärelle.Kolmanneksi analysoimme Leni Riefenstahlin Olympia-elokuvan tuotantoprosessia, dramaturgisia ratkaisuja ja vastaanottoa. Elokuvassa, jota natsivaltio avokätisesti rahoitti, pyrkimyksenä oli ikuistaa täydelliseksi hiottuja otoksia urheilijoiden kehollisesta kauneudesta, liikkeen estetiikasta ja haltioituneista yleisömassoista. Päätelmissä summaamme mediavälitteistä kokemusten muokkaamista valtiopropagandan kulta-aikana, jolloin urheilusta ja sen megatapahtumista oli tullut koko kansan viihdettä. Berliinin olympialaiset rikkoivat katsojamääräennätyksiä niin tapahtumapaikoilla kuin radion ääressä, ja näin voimistivat natsien valta-asemaa etenkin Saksassa.Nazis advocating friendship between nations – The logics of propaganda in the 1936 Berlin OlympicsAimed at displaying the “brave new Germany” to the attending international sporting community and media audiences in the rest of the world, the 1936 Berlin Olympics constituted an unprecedentedly massive propaganda show, planned and organised with the greatest care. Domestically, a simultaneous goal was the “spiritual mobilisation” of the German people to consolidate the Nazi regime’s hegemony over them. In this article, we apply Arnd Krüger’s concept of concerted propaganda to denote the media-driven shaping of experiences and effacement of unfavourable associations to leverage positive images of the Nazi Germany at domestic and international scales.In particular, we inquire into the media industry’s roles in the production of experiences in the Berlin Olympics from three overlapping perspectives. First, we observe the ways in which cityscapes and mediascapes were entangled in the organising and staging of the 1936 Olympics. In the run-up to the Games, public spaces across Berlin were decorated and scrubbed of the signs of racist Nazi ideology and oppression. The intra-urban propaganda also included encouraging local people to actively participate in the production of a veneer of hospitality. Second, we pay heed to press-, radio- and television-associated technologies in the propagandist narrativization and atmospheric intensification that occurred around the Olympic mega-event. According to Joseph Goebbels, the press is “a great keyboard which the government can play.” Meanwhile, radio was a central instrument in the Nazi’s Olympic propaganda. Along Berlin’s major arterial road during the Olympics, the so-called Via Triumphalis, loudspeakers were perched on lampposts, ensuring that people outside the main venues were also kept abreast of and emotionally captivated by ongoing Olympic events.Third, we analyse the production process, dramaturgic choices, and reception of Leni Riefenstahl’s artistic propaganda documentary Olympia, premiered a year and a half after the Berlin Olympics. Generously sponsored by the Nazi state, Olympia sought to perpetuate perfected shots on the athletes’ bodily beauty, kinetic aesthetics and enthralled spectator masses. In conclusion, we discuss the characteristics of the media-driven production of experiences during the heyday of state propaganda, in a historic context in which sporting mega-events had achieved a status as widely popular entertainment. The Berlin Olympics broke previous spectator and radio-listener records, and strengthened the Nazis’ ideological sway over people in Germany, in particular.


1988 ◽  
Vol 17 (9) ◽  
pp. 7-8
Author(s):  
Joseph Maliakan ◽  
Lek Hor Tan

Last month, following nationwide protests from journalists, editors and publishers, the Indian government withdrew its controversial Defamation Bill and announced that a national debate on the defamation issue would be intiated. The government's decision, announced by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi at the end of September, was greeted with jubilation by members of the press and public. The Bill, which would have considerably weakened the position of defendants in defamation cases, had been introduced into the Lok Sabha (the lower house of Parliament) on 29 August without any prior consultation with the press, and was passed next day with very little debate. The haste with which the Bill was passed was widely seen as the government's latest attempt to impose censorship on the media, especially on investigative journalism. Here a journalist on the Indian Express and lndex's Asia specialist look at the Bill and the controversy it provoked.


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