scholarly journals Sports at Play in American Politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Shen ◽  
Courtenay Shrimpton

Sports have been a vital element to American entertainment for decades, which are only gaining popularity. Various sport events allow Americans to temporarily escape the stress associated with their social lives and the divisiveness of partisan politics; however, a closer look at the numerous features of sport games reveal an intricate connection between American sports and politics. With the mandatory playing of the national anthem and the integration of sports and political terminology, sport games in America have become a platform to impose various political ideals. This paper will first introduce how the usage of sport terminologies in politics can simplify a complex process into a game of “winners and losers,” which can further political polarization and disincentivize bipartisan collaboration. It will then aim to demonstrate how the imposition of novel rituals that stem from nationalistic and militaristic values can silent dissenting opinions and enforce a homogenous yet unjustified “American Identity.” However, the final part of this paper aims to showcase the alternate impacts that sports can have on politics, especially in the realm of sports-driven activism. This paper does not aim to take a stance on the exact impact that sports can have on American politics, as it is mostly likely to be multi-dimensional, but to unveil to the reader how sports, an entity that is seemingly designed as a form of escape from political agendas, can in reality have substantial impacts on America’s political atmosphere. 

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (9) ◽  
pp. 1665-1676 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusuf Dinc

Purpose As the global paradigm in economics shifts, Islamic economics is attracting more attention as an alternative sector. The most common and most active institutional structure of Islamic economics is in the form of Islamic finance and banking. Islamic finance and banking have been the centre of innovation in many economies in recent years. In this regard, product development is a vital element in driving the success of Islamic financial institutions (IFIs). The product development of IFIs is one of the key elements of their overall economic performance. This study aims to fill the gap in the literature concerning the product development process of IFIs in secular economies. Design/methodology/approach Verily, product development is a complex process; it is likely that introducing specific models will be useful for expanding the activities of IFIs. In this study, contemporary source materials are used to develop this conceptual research. Findings It suggests two separate methodologies for the product development process of IFIs in secular economies to overhaul two criticised product-based problems. To the best of the author’s knowledge, it is the first attempt to model the product development process for IFIs in a secular economic setup. Originality/value Recently, this study is the first attempt for modelling product development in IFIs under secular economies. Advances in the field of Shari’ah-compliant product development is important for researchers and professional.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062110467
Author(s):  
Angela C. Bell ◽  
Collette P. Eccleston ◽  
Leigh A. Bradberry ◽  
William C. Kidd ◽  
Catherine C. Mesick ◽  
...  

One potential obstacle to cooperation between political parties is ingroup projection, the tendency for members of subgroups to define superordinate groups based on characteristics of their own ingroups. In five studies spanning 11 years and three presidential administrations, we demonstrated that ingroup projection can be an obstacle that prevents bipartisanship between Republicans and Democrats. Study 1 showed that Americans perceived political ingroups as more prototypical of Americans than outgroups and that the degree of mismatch between the outgroup and the superordinate group was associated with ingroup bias. Studies 2–5 demonstrated that perceiving the outgroup as poorly fitting the prototype of the superordinate group predicted opposition to bipartisan cooperation and a lower likelihood of having engaged in bipartisan behavior (Studies 4 and 5). These studies provide evidence for ingroup projection among American political parties and suggest that it contributes to political polarization.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
James L. Guth ◽  
Corwin E. Smidt

Abstract Given their strategic position within American society, clergy continue to remain important actors in American politics. This article examines the partisan identifications and electoral behavior of American Protestant clergy in the 2016 presidential election. Although clergy partisanship may be of interest in any election, the 2016 contest, given the milieu of political polarization and the presence of the Trump candidacy, provides an intriguing context for assessing the profession's electoral behavior, particularly among Republican clergy. Based on survey results from over 2,500 clergy drawn from ten Protestant (five mainline and five evangelical) denominations, the study finds that, during the early stages of the 2016 nomination process, only a small percentage of Republican clergy supported Trump and that, despite the high level of political polarization, a sizable segment of Republican clergy resisted partisan pressures and refused to vote for Trump in the general election. The propensity of both independent and Republican clergy to vote for the GOP nominee varied largely with the level of perceived “threats”: to the Christian heritage of the nation, from Islam, and from the process of “globalization.”


Author(s):  
John Dombrink

This book examines the ongoing contests and shifting political and social landscape of America in the Obama era as it applies to the core elements of the “culture war.” It considers a central disjuncture: the liberalization of American society on many measures, at the same time as the enormous conservative pushback that continues, and a political polarization that still characterizes us in America in 2015. This book concludes that these “wedge issues,” successful in American politics for three decades, have lost their power. This “unwedging” is what characterizes America in 2015, especially amidst the effect of the rising importance of the millennial generation – a decidedly more secular and progressive generation on these issues. As one religious conservative leader recently wrote, such shifts in American society suggest that like-minded religious-based social conservatives should now view themselves as a “prophetic minority” rather than a “Moral Majority.” It seems improbable that these wedge issues will soon regain their potency.


Perceptions ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ronald Raju Joseph

This paper investigated the topic of panethnic Asian American political coalition-building in Philadelphia politics, to determine if efforts to forge such a coalition succeeded. This paper traced the scholarship accumulated across multiple spheres of Asian American studies ranging from the emergence of panethnic Asian American identity, Asian American involvement in American politics before and after the civil rights movement, and the continuing ethnic divisions within the Asian American community. Further research on urban politics and its intersection with ethnic identity was also investigated, yielding insights into the nature of the potential of and obstacles to successful panethnic political organizing across ethnic lines in the urban areas of the United States. Upon investigating data on the voting patterns of Asian Americans, the socioeconomic statistics on various Asian American ethnic groups, the organizational landscape of organizations--panethnic or ethnic--serving the Asian American community, and the political clout of Asian American political activists and groups in Philadelphia politics, the conclusion was reached that efforts to forge a panethnic Asian American coalition in Philadelphia politics have not succeeded. While the topic of panethnic Asian American politics in the urban context remains a relatively understudied topic in political science, the existing evidence points that there remain significant obstacles to panethnic political organizing in Asian American communities.


Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (3) ◽  
pp. 87-104
Author(s):  
David E. Campbell

In the United States, religion and partisan politics have become increasingly intertwined. The rising level of religious disaffiliation is a backlash to the religious right: many Americans are abandoning religion because they see it as an extension of politics with which they disagree. Politics is also shaping many Americans' religious views. There has been a stunning change in the percentage of religious believers who, prior to Donald Trump's presidential candidacy, overwhelmingly objected to immoral private behavior by politicians but now dismiss it as irrelevant to their ability to act ethically in their public role. The politicization of religion not only contributes to greater political polarization, it diminishes the ability of religious leaders to speak prophetically on important public issues.


Author(s):  
Marisa Abrajano ◽  
Zoltan L. Hajnal

This book examines the ways in which immigration is transforming American politics by focusing on the attitudes and actions of the white population. It offers an explanation of how immigration could lead to a broad white backlash that transforms the basic political leaning of much of white America. It considers how the partisan patterns, electoral decisions, and policy preferences of native white Americans are changing in response to immigration's imprint. It also explores the overall patterns in aggregate white partisanship over the last fifty years and presents historical evidence to show that immigration can fundamentally alter partisan politics as well as racial politics. Finally, the book discusses two mechanisms through which immigration leads to political effects: demographics and news media.


2019 ◽  
pp. 198-212
Author(s):  
Andrew Coan

The history and law of special prosecutors teach a single overarching lesson. The rule of law is as strong as the American people choose to make it—and no stronger. In some sense, this is heartening. It is also a sobering reminder. The democratic institutions and traditions handed down by previous generations are not indestructible. Like any other inheritance, they can be squandered, and there are real reasons to fear we are doing just that. In these unsettled times, special prosecutors might serve as highly visible catalysts for democracy. Or they might be swept asunder by the floodtides of populism and political polarization. These large structural forces are central features of contemporary American politics, but scratch the surface and those forces comprise millions of individual citizens with minds of their own. The choices of those individuals—our choices—will determine the fate of constitutional democracy in America.


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