Cinema on the Front LineCinema on the Front Line offers the first comprehensive history and analysis of how the medium of cinema intersected with the lives of British soldiers during the First World War. Documenting the use of cinema from domestic recruitment drives to make-shift theatrical venues established on the front line, and then in convalescent hospitals and camps, the book provides evidence of the previously unacknowledged importance of cinema as recreational support and entertainment for soldiers living through the trauma of the first world war. Chris Grosvenor makes extensive use of war diaries and other military records to foreground the voices and perspectives of British soldiers themselves.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Grosvenor

Cinema on the Front Line offers the first comprehensive history and analysis of how the medium of cinema intersected with the lives of British soldiers during the First World War. Documenting the use of cinema from domestic recruitment drives to make-shift theatrical venues established on the front line, and then in convalescent hospitals and camps, the book provides evidence of the previously unacknowledged importance of cinema as recreational support and entertainment for soldiers living through the trauma of the first world war. Chris Grosvenor makes extensive use of war diaries and other military records to foreground the voices and perspectives of British soldiers themselves.

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taylor Downing

This article considers the making of the BBC2 series, The Great War, and examines issues around the treatment and presentation of the First World War on television, the reception of the series in 1964 and its impact on the making of television history over the last fifty years. The Great War combined archive film with interviews from front-line soldiers, nurses and war workers, giving a totally new feel to the depiction of history on television. Many aspects of The Great War were controversial and raised intense debate at the time and have continued to do so ever since.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (161) ◽  
pp. 50-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Destenay

AbstractIn order better to understand the impact of political unrest in Ireland on Irish troops fighting in the First World War, it is necessary to acknowledge that the role of the 1916 Rising has been significantly overestimated, while the influence of the 1914 home rule crisis and the repercussions of the anti-conscription movement have been underestimated. The 1914 home rule crisis significantly impacted on the Germans’ view of the Irish and conditioned the treatment of Irish P.O.W.s from December 1914 onwards. In addition, the post-1916 Rising executions and the conscription crisis had a severe impact on Irish front-line units, while also sapping the morale of other British combatants. The 1916 Rising might have been dismissed as a military operation conceived by a handful of republicans, with little support from the wider population, but the conscription crisis brought about widespread defiance towards British rule throughout the whole of nationalist Ireland. In line with British public opinion, British front-line officers and men strongly resented Ireland’s refusal to support the war effort at such a crucial moment. The consequence was the widespread targeting and stigmatisation of their Irish comrades-in-arms. Some British officers and men resorted to a form of psychological pressure, aimed at the public shaming of Irish troops. This article draws on new primary sources available at The National Archives in London, Dublin City Archives and University of Leeds Library to argue that the 1916 Rising was not the only political event in Ireland to have repercussions for Irish battalions fighting in the First World War.


2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-128
Author(s):  
Christine Hallett

The nursing work of the First World War is usually associated with the trench warfare of the Western Front. Nurses were based within fairly permanent casualty clearing stations and field hospitals, and patients were moved “down the line” to base hospitals, and then to convalescent hospitals “at home.” The nurses and volunteers who worked on the Eastern Front and offered their services to the letuchka or “flying columns” of the Russian medical services had a very different experience. They worked with highly mobile units, following a rapidly moving “front line.” The diaries of three British (one Anglo-Russian) nurses who worked alongside Russian nursing sisterhoods in three different flying columns—Violetta Thurstan (Field Hospital and Flying Column), Florence Farmborough (With the Armies of the Tsar) and Mary Britnieva (One Woman’s Story)—stand as an important corpus of nursing writing. Written in a highly romantic style, they take up similar themes around their work on the Eastern Front as a heroic journey through a dreamlike landscape. Each nurse offers a portrayal of the Russian character as fine and noble. The most important themes deal with the romance of nursing itself, in which nursing work is portrayed as both character-testing and a highly spiritual pursuit.


2020 ◽  
pp. 91-100
Author(s):  
S. Troyan ◽  
N. Nechaieva-Yuriichuk ◽  
L. Alexiyevets

The Great War of 1914-1918 went down in history as the first armed clash of two warring coalitions of States on a global scale. The centenary of the end of the First World War of 1914-1918 became a significant information occasion for a new unbiased view in the context of a retrospective analysis of the problems of war and peace, war and politics, war and diplomacy, war and society, war and culture and the like. During the Great War at the beginning of the XX century the governments of countries – participants of the war used different ways for manipulation of human consciousness like fiction, poetry, postcards etc. The main aim of that was the achievement of people mobilization for war. The reaction of people of European states for the war was ambiguous, but a high percentage of population was in favor of the war. Even a famous French writer A. France (who was 70 years old) tried to become a volunteer to the war. So, what is possible to tell about younger men? But the reality of the First World War changed the vision of people toward it. They saw that the war is not a festival. It needs patience, first of all. New strategies, new armament demonstrated that the individual person had a small influence on result. The enemy was often invisible. All that affected the identification of soldiers and contributed the development of front-line brotherhood. Disappointment became the special feature of those who went through the war. They returned to the unstable world where it was difficult to find appropriate place for former soldiers. And again it was used by radical elements like A. Hitler in Germany. The author’s points out that it is necessary to understand the processes that took place at the beginning of the XX century to not repeat them at the beginning of the XXI century. Understanding the events of the world war 1914-1918, their impact on the human mind and psyche are a necessary component for understanding the processes that are currently taking place in our country. The state and government circles should take into account the experience of the past and develop an adequate strategy to overcome the destructive effects of war on the human consciousness, the integration of front-line soldiers into peaceful life and the protection of democratic ideals and freedoms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-46
Author(s):  
K. A. Tarasov ◽  
◽  
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The article examines the distribution of burdens from Russia’s participation in the First World War. During this period, dissatisfaction with the balance between those who went to the front and those who remained in the rear could be expressed openly. By 1917, the human reserves of the Russian empire were practically exhausted. At the same time, a large part of the population enjoyed deferrals from serving in the army. After the revolution, servicemen, many of whom had already been on the front line and were wounded, were very active. They demanded that soldiers who served in rear units should go first with new reinforcements. This category included new recruits, soldiers of auxiliary troops, military clerks, officers, and all ranks who were involved in training in reserve battalions. By the summer of 1917, soldiers demanded the mobilization of former policemen, deserters, and everyone who legally or illegally used deferrals from military service. In the end, the slogan “The bourgeoisie to trenches!” was born spontaneously. This meant sending to the front all who profited from the war by remaining in the rear. The spread of this slogan speaks of the assimilation of the language of class antagonism by soldiers. It also became important to the escalation of civil war. The demands were directed to the state authorities whose silence led to soldiers’ desires to implement “mobilization” on their own.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (5) ◽  
pp. 1573-1578
Author(s):  
Oliver Cackov

During the First World War Macedonia in its ethnic borders was a space of bloody fights of the Great Powers and their struggle for world domination and colonial empires. The front line on the territory of Macedonia, known as the Front of Macedonia, whose length was several hundred kilometers long, stretched predominantly through the mountainous areas at an altitude of over 2,000 meters where the armed conflicts, between the forces of the Entente and the Central Powers took place. The immediate cause of the formation of the Macedonian Front was the failure of the Dardanelles Operation, when troops from Galipola were transferred to Thessaloniki. The Macedonian front was the only allied front where the only command had been operating throughout its existence. At the beginning, the main command was held by the General Moris Saraj. The paper deals with the tragedy of the cities and the population, and the mountain heights that were located on the first frontline of the Macedonian Front, with huge destruction and devastation from everyday artillery and air strikes. Bitola as an important communication point was constantly exposed to bombardment, and many of the surrounding villages disappeared forever. Only a few kilometers southeast of Bitola is the top Kajmakcalan, where there were also fierce fighting with many casualties and terrible devastation. The Battle of Kajmakcalan as part of the military operations of the Macedonian Front is one of the great battles of the First World War. In the history, the Battle of Kajmakchalan has been observed according to the great number of dead and wounded and the altitude where it took place. The breathtaking legendary city of Dojran and its surroundings, located in the center of the demarcation (front line), was completely destroyed. The residents of Dojran, on the orders of the Central Forces who were stationed there, left their homes and left in other Macedonian cities, but also in Serbia and Bulgaria, before the very beginning of the "Dojran Front".


Author(s):  
Nikita V. Averin

On the basis of various materials, we describe the process of pogroming landlord estates in the Tambov Governorate in the first months of 1918, the role of front-line soldiers in this process. The collapse of the army, the withdrawal of Russia from the First World War, the weakening and collapse of the old state, the unresolved agrarian issue, pushed the peasants to solve the problem of land shortages by force. The agrarian riots of 1917, often instigated by deserters, were a very serious problem for the Provisional Government. In addition, the very phenomenon of the revolution, partly provoked by the lack of land, war and poor living conditions for servicemen, forced them to resort to violent actions. The events in the Tambov village in the first months of 1918 were a continuation of the next stage of the agrarian revolution, which began in 1917. Another surge in the pogrom movement was associated with the massive return from the front of soldiers called up from the ranks of the peasants. The “democratic organs” of the province, which remained in the leadership of the region until March 1918, tried to resist the pogroms, but did not have the strength to do so. The Bolsheviks who came to power in early 1918 could not resolutely suppress the pogroms, for they had to rely on former soldiers as allies in the struggle for Soviet power in the countryside.


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