scholarly journals LITERATURE AND CULTURAL ENVIRONMENT IN BEYRUT IN THE 19TH CENTURY

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 297-310
Author(s):  
Turgay GÖKGÖZ ◽  

Throughout history, Beirut has been the habitat of different religions and nations. The people of various nations are made up of Christians and Muslims. Today, it is seen that languages such as Arabic, French and English are among the most spoken languages in Lebanon, where Beirut is located. Looking at Beirut in the 19th century, it was seen that colonial powers such as Britain and France were a conflict area, and at the same time it was one of the centers of Arab nationalism thought against the Ottoman Empire. During the occupation of Mehmet Ali Pasha, missionary schools were allowed to open, as well as cities such as Zahle, Damascus and Aleppo, Jesuit schools were opened in Beirut. With the opening of American Protestant schools, the influence of the relevant schools in the emergence and development of the idea of Arab nationalism is inevitable. Especially in Beirut, it would be appropriate to state that the aim of using languages such as French and English instead of Arabic education in missionary schools is to instill Western culture and to attract students to Christianity. The students of the Syrian Protestant College, who constituted the original of the American University of Beirut, worked against the Ottoman Empire within the society they established and aimed to establish an independent secular Arab state. Beirut comes to the fore especially in areas such as poetry and theater before the “Nahda” movement that started in Egypt during the reign of Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Pasha with Napoleon's invasion of Egypt. The advances that paved the way for the development of modern literature in Beirut before Egypt will find a place in the field of literature later. In this study, it is aimed to present information on literary and cultural activities that took place in Beirut and emphasize the importance of Beirut in modern Arabic literature in the 19th century.

1987 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Sawaie

Summary This article explores Jurjī Zaydān’s contribution to questions that the Arabic language was confronted with at the turn of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. These questions pertained to the capability of Arabic as a medium of communication, its appropriateness to express new ideas, and its suitability for use in education and for naming technological items borrowed from the West. As can be imagined, the pre-occupation of the Nahḍah Arab intellectuals with linguistic matters was immense. Nonetheless Zaydān’s contribution to these debates consists of constant writings in his magazine al-Hilāl (1892–1913), and two books that specifically dealt with linguistic matters. Zaydān’s linguistic views were relevant to the on-going debate in many intellectual circles at that time. He had no doubts about the suitability of ‘simplified’ Classical Arabic in education as the case was proven at the Syrian Protestant College (now the American University of Beirut) in the 1860s. In order to fill the then existing vacuum, Zaydān took it as his responsibility to write (text)books in Arabic for use in Egyptian schools. The suitability of Arabic in education and the capability of the language to adapt itself to new situations was placed in a historical perspective by Zaydān. He argued that much as Arabic had adapted to new orders in the past, i.e., the rise of Islam (7th century), the translation period (9th-10th centuries), so can the language adapt itself to Western ‘imports’ at his time. Again, as if to prove his point and in order to bridge the gap between al-fuṣḥā and al-cÀmmiyyah, the language of the common people, Zaydān adopted a simple style in diction and syntax in his writings. Zaydān, unlike many of his contemporary Arab scholars, followed in the footsteps of many Western scholars, both predating and contemporary to him, by equipping himself with knowledge of many languages, Eastern and Western, and by applying some of these scholars’ methodologies of investigation. In order for Arabic to accommodate new technologies and ideas, the language must be subject to changes, in Zaydān’s view, as it was subject to changes at the rise of Islam in the 7th century and during the 9th and 10th centuries when many translations into Arabic were made. Zaydān rejected calls for the use of dialects in writing, thus arguing that al-fuṣḥā, i.e., the Classical Arabic language, was a unifying bond among Arabic-speaking lands. Zaydān’s actual treatment of language matters are innovative for his time. Arabic, in his view, was subject to change and evolution, not static. He examined the language by placing it in a wider perspective, i.e., in its context in the Semitic family, and in its relations to other non-Semitic languages that Arabic had come in contact with at its varying stages of growth such as Persian and Turkish in the earlier centuries, and French and English in the 19th century. Zaydān’s use of comparative methodology is innovative compared to the ways of studying Arabic at his time. However, Zaydān’s views on language origin and development can be characterized by the criteria of our times as superficial.


2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Sawaie

In the 19th century, Europe had a tangible impact on the Arab East. During this period, Arabic-speaking regions were brought into intimate contact with the West, both through military intrusion (e.g., the French in 1798–1801 and the British in Egypt in 1882), and institutional penetration (e.g., the founding of Western-style schools and higher-education institutions in the Levant in the 1800s by Christian missionaries such as the Syrian Protestant College in 1866, now the American University of Beirut, and [the Jesuit] St. Joseph University, also in Beirut, in 1874). This overpowering European encroachment on the Arab East in the 19th century resulted in cultural and linguistic identity crises. Muhammad ⊂Ali, who ruled Egypt from 1805 until 1848, dispatched groups of students to Western countries such as Italy, Austria, and France to study at their universities and technical institutions. At home, he established schools with Western-language instruction, and sponsored translations of scientific works initially into Turkish, and later into Arabic, from Italian and French, thus making available new disciplines such as various branches of engineering, military science, and agriculture. In 1822, he established a printing press in the Bulaq section of Cairo.1 From then on, Arabicized versions of European terms such as “theater” (tiy―atru), “journal” (jurn―al), “the post” (al-busta), and “politics” (al-bulit―iq―a) signaled the arrival of Western institutions and technology in Arabic-speaking regions, and such terms were adopted by writers in their writings. The cultural, political, military, and technological challenges that resulted from the European contact with the Arab East, and the institutional changes that accompanied them, proved to be a crucial turning point in the development of the Arabic language, particularly its lexicon. However, interest in language matters was central to the Arab renaissance (Nahda) of the 19th century. Arab writers; intellectuals; and translators such Rifa⊂a Rafi⊂ al-Tahtawi (1801/2–73), (Ahmad) Faris al-Shidyaq (1801/04?–87), Nasif al-Yaziji (1800–71), and Butrus al-Bustani (1819–83), among others, debated Arabic linguistic issues in terms of their own literary and linguistic heritage. These and other authors discussed the “internal” needs of Arabic, not only issues of translating the culture of the Western societies. They wrote grammars and compiled other literary textbooks to facilitate the teaching of Arabic and to overcome difficulties of learning the language associated with older, traditional ways of language teaching and to raise awareness of the literary tradition of Arabs. These intellectuals also engaged in the preparation of glossaries and dictionaries appropriate to the needs of their societies.2


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Tsipko

In the article the author analyzes the main notional lines in the work of A.I. Solzhenitsyn through the prism of Russian philosophy legacy. According to the author the analysis of the nature, motives and lie in the works of the writer are related to the respective works of F.M. Dostoevsky, K.N. Leontiev and other Russian thinkers. «All Communist content is turned into nonsense by the Russian life», and «all its nonsense is severe due to the intolerable truth of the suffering…», – this statement of F.A. Stepun is well pertinent to the creative work of A.I. Solzhenitsyn that shows vivid examples of barbaric cruelty of the authorities towards the people. Still, according to the author of the article, the reasons for such cruelty were reflected even earlier, in the works of Russian philosophers of the 19th century.


Author(s):  
D.R. Zhantiev

Аннотация В статье рассматривается роль и место Сирии (включая Ливан и Палестину) в системе османских владений на протяжении нескольких веков от османского завоевания до периода правления султана Абдул-Хамида II. В течение четырех столетий османского владычества территория исторической Сирии (Билад аш-Шам) была одним из важнейших компонентов османской системы и играла роль связующего звена между Анатолией, Египтом, Ираком и Хиджазом. Необходимость ежегодной организации хаджа с символами султанской власти и покровительства над святынями Мекки и Медины определяла особую стратегическую важность сирийских провинций Османской империи. Несмотря на ряд серьезных угроз во время общего кризиса османской государственности (конец XVI начало XIX вв.), имперскому центру удалось сохранить контроль над Сирией путем создания сдержек и противовесов между местными элитами. В XIX в. и особенно в период правления Абдул- Хамида II (18761909 гг.), сохранение Сирии под османским контролем стало вопросом существования Османской империи, которая перед лицом растущего европейского давления и интервенции потеряла большую часть своих владений на Балканах и в Северной Африке. Задача укрепления связей между имперским центром и периферией в сирийских вилайетах в последней четверти XIX в. была в целом успешно решена. К началу XX в. Сирия была одним из наиболее политически спокойных и прочно связанных со Стамбулом регионов Османской империи. Этому в значительной степени способствовали довольно высокий уровень общественной безопасности, развитие внешней торговли, рост образования и постепенная интеграция местных элит (как мусульман, так и христиан) в османские государственные и социальные механизмы. Положение Сирии в системе османских владений показало, что процесс ослабления и территориальной дезинтеграции Османской империи в эпоху реформ не был линейным и наряду с потерей владений и влияния на Балканах, в азиатской части империи в течение XIX и начала XX вв. происходил параллельный процесс имперской консолидации.Abstract The article examines the role and place of Greater Syria (including Lebanon and Palestine) in the system of Ottoman possessions over several centuries from the Ottoman conquest to the period of the reign of Abdul Hamid II. For four centuries of Ottoman domination, the territory of historical Syria (Bilad al-Sham) was one of the most important components in the Ottoman system and played the role of a link between Anatolia, Egypt, Iraq and Hijaz. The need to ensure the Hajj with symbols of Sultan power and patronage over the shrines of Mecca and Medina each year determined the special strategic importance of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Despite a number of serious threats during the general crisis of the Ottoman state system (late 16th early 19th centuries), the imperial center managed to maintain control over Syria by creating checks and balances between local elites. In the 19th century. And especially during the reign of Abdul Hamid II (18761909), keeping Syria under Ottoman control became a matter of existence for the Ottoman Empire, which, in the face of increasing European pressure and intervention, lost most of its possessions in the Balkans and North Africa. The task of strengthening ties between the imperial center and the periphery in Syrian vilayets in the last quarter of the 19th century was generally successfully resolved. By the beginning of the 20th century, Syria was one of the most politically calm and firmly connected with Istanbul regions of the Ottoman Empire. This was greatly facilitated by a fairly high level of public safety, the development of foreign trade, the growth of education and the gradual integration of local elites (both Muslims and Christians) into Ottoman state and social mechanisms. Syrias position in the system of Ottoman possessions clearly showed that the process of weakening and territorial disintegration of the Ottoman Empire during the era of reform was not linear, and along with the loss of possessions and influence in the Balkans, in the Asian part of the empire during the 19th and early 20th centuries there was a parallel process of imperial consolidation.


Polar Record ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Lähteenmäki

ABSTRACTThe academic study of local and regional history in Sweden took on a quite new form and significance in the 18th century. Humiliating defeats in wars had brought the kingdom's period of greatness to an end and forced the crown to re-evaluate the country's position and image and reconsider the internal questions of economic efficiency and settlement. One aspect in this was more effective economic and political control over the peripheral parts of the realm, which meant that also the distant region of Kemi Lapland, bordering on Russia, became an object of systematic government interest. The practical local documentation of this area took the form of dissertations prepared by students native to the area under the supervision of well known professors, reports sent back by local ministers and newspaper articles. The people responsible for communicating this information may be said to have functioned as ‘mimic men’ in the terminology of H.K. Bhabha. This supervised gathering and publication of local information created the foundation for the nationalist ideology and interest in ordinary people and local cultures that emerged at the end of the century and flourished during the 19th century.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (41) ◽  
pp. 31-48
Author(s):  
Munir Drkić ◽  
Ahmed Zildžić

This paper aims to examine the work entitled Taʻlīm-i fārisī in the context of the Ottoman tradition of the grammatical study of the Persian language. Taʻlīm-i fārisī, most likely penned by Kemal-pasha, is a short yet exceedingly significant primer for Persian language students dated in the middle of the 19th century. After a brief overview of the Persian grammar studies in the Ottoman Empire, the authors present the work and its author and conduct an analysis of the content of Taʻlīm-i fārisī. In terms of its underlying methodology, this work stands halfway between two principal tendencies: one is the traditional approach to studying the Persian language in the Ottoman Empire; another is a new approach developed under the influence of grammatical description of European languages. This paradigm shift in the Persian language's grammatical description within the Ottoman Empire is readily observable in the primer under review.


2008 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-549
Author(s):  
V. Necla Geyikdagi

“Jack of all trades” Ahmed Midhat Efendi, one of the most famous and popular Ottoman writers of the 19th century, ranged widely in his subject matter, which included economics. Although he was criticized for not having a proper education in the field, his independent thinking made him the most important critic of the laissez-faire system that prevailed in the Ottoman Empire. He disapproved of the liberalism transferred from the West in a normative framework.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Akmal Hawi

The 19th century to the 20th century is a moment in which Muslims enter a new gate, the gate of renewal. This phase is often referred to as the century of modernism, a century where people are confronted with the fact that the West is far ahead of them. This situation made various responses emerging, various Islamic groups responded in different ways based on their Islamic nature. Some respond with accommodative stance and recognize that the people are indeed doomed and must follow the West in order to rise from the downturn. Others respond by rejecting anything coming from the West because they think it is outside of Islam. These circles believe Islam is the best and the people must return to the foundations of revelation, this circle is often called the revivalists. One of the figures who is an important figure in Islamic reform, Jamaluddin Al-Afghani, a reformer who has its own uniqueness, uniqueness, and mystery. Departing from the division of Islamic features above, Afghani occupies a unique position in responding to Western domination of Islam. On the one hand, Afghani is very moderate by accommodating ideas coming from the West, this is done to improve the decline of the ummah. On the other hand, however, Afghani appeared so loudly when it came to the question of nationality or on matters relating to Islam. As a result, Afghani traces his legs on two different sides, he is a modernist but also a fundamentalist. 


Μνήμων ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
ΝΙΚΟΣ ΑΝΔΡΙΩΤΗΣ

<p>Nikos Andriotis, Christians and Muslims in Crete 1821-1924. A Century of Continuous Confrontation in and out of the Battlefield</p><p>This article refers to the strained relations between Christians and Muslims of Crete during the last century of their cohabitation in the island. First, it deals with the frequent upheavals of Christians against Ottoman sovereignty during the 19th century, with an emphasis to the consequences on the population breakdown and the dwelling network of Crete. Among the Muslims who were living far away from the urban centers, a large number moved towards the cities of the island or in other areas of the Ottoman Empire. This phenomenon was an overwhelming characteristic of the last decade of the 19th century. During the same decade the decrease of the Muslim population was significant and the Muslim presence in the countryside was almost annihilated. At the same time Christians, arriving from neighboring or remote areas, colonized the abandoned Muslim dwellings. The Muslims continued to live in a ambiance of insecurity until their mandatory flight in 1923-1924 during the period of the Autonomy (1898-1912) and by the annexation of Crete to Greece, in the exception of the period of time during which there was a relative calmness in the relations of the two communities. The different national aspirations of Christians and Muslims cannot exclusively interpret the violent collision of the two communities. This confrontation is from the early times characterized by economical aspiration of the Christians, mainly through the attempt of acquiring ownership of Muslim estates by legal or illegal means. This occurred mostlyi n the area of Iraklio, where the changes regarding the acquisition of urban and agriculture real estates, through transactions or encroachment, largely took place.</p>


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