scholarly journals Reconstrucción Infográfica de la Necrópolis Septentrional de la ciudad de Onoba12

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (9) ◽  
pp. 154
Author(s):  
Javier Bermejo Meléndez ◽  
Lucía Fernández Sutilo ◽  
Salvador Delgado Aguilar ◽  
Juan Manuel Campos Carrasco
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Economic

<p>The north necropolis of city was an object of an important program of building towards the change of Age destined to show before the position reached by Onoba's city in the political - economic context of the Empire. In spite of it, the knowledge of this funeral area has seen strongly determined for the system of hills and water-course in which it placed, as well as for the nonexistence of an overall view derived from the multiple research's teams that they have worked on it.</p>

The Political Economic Context of EU Crises

2017 ◽  
pp. 33-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desmond Dinan ◽  
Neill Nugent ◽  
WilliamE. Paterson
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Political Economic

Europe and the Nato Shield

1958 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnold Wolfers
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
The North ◽  
Reasonable Degree ◽  
Economic Collaboration ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Military

Pressures to extend the activities of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) into fields other than the military, or actually to shift the emphasis to political, economic, and cultural objectives, have been so strong in recent years that one wonders whether there has not been a growing tendency, particularly in Europe, to lose sight of the purpose for which NATO was established and which makes it vital to the United States. Essentially, NATO is a multilateral military alliance for the protection of western and southern Europe against Soviet conquest, a means of denying these areas and their resources to the Soviets. If the members of the alliance, on one side or the other of the Atlantic, were ever to reach the conclusion that the threat of military attack from the east had vanished or that it could not be countered effectively by common military effort, NATO would have lost its original raison d'être, though it might be continued for the sake of what today are secondary non-military functions, such as political conciliation and economic collaboration. It should be added that the primacy of the military purpose of NATO, as it exists today, does not preclude the desirability or even the necessity of extending its scope beyond purely military matters. As Ruth C. Lawson has pointed out, there is little hope for reliable military collaboration among countries ohat do not succeed in attaining a reasonable degree of harmony between their political aims and policies. Cyprus, Suez, and Algeria are symptomatic of the problems NATO faces in the political field.

FETICHISMO E ORNAMENTO NA TEORIA DA CULTURA DE SIEGFRIED KRACAUER

2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (124) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Pedro Rocha de Oliveira
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
German Film ◽  
Bourgeois Society ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Siegfried Kracauer ◽  
Radical Critique ◽  
History Of ◽  
Social Modernization ◽  
Political Economic

Buscando os aspectos da crítica da cultura de Siegfried Kracauer que apontam para uma crítica radical da sociedade, o presente texto analisa a caracterização feita por aquele autor da arte industrializada do início do século XX nas obras O ornamento da massa: ensaios, de 1963 e De Caligari a Hitler: uma história psicológica do cinema alemão, de 1947. Atenta-se para a maneira como tal caracterização mapeia a determinação das formas dessa arte pelo ideário e contexto político-econômicos da sociedade onde ela emerge, especialmente no que tange às relações entre avanço técnico e projeto de modernização social na sociedade burguesa.Abstract: The present work analyses Siegfried Kracauer’s characterization of the early 20th century industrialized art, by seeking in the author’sThe mass ornament (1963) and From Caligari to Hitler: a psychological history of the German film (1947), aspects of his cultural criticism that point towards a radical critique of society. This paper will highlight the way in which such a characterization explores how the forms of that art are determined by the ideology and the political-economic context in which it has emerged, focusing on the relationships between technical advancement and social modernization in the bourgeois society.

scholarly journals REPLY

2005 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-137
Author(s):  
LANCE VAN SITTERT
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Political Economic

‘THE discipline of history’, E. P. Thompson once said, ‘is, above all, the discipline of context; each fact can only be given meaning within an ensemble of other meanings’. By disputing points of detail Beinart elides the original review's central criticism that the book suffers from the omission of the political economic context. I will address the contested details before restating the gist of the original critique and by so doing suggest that it still stands unanswered.

scholarly journals The Sharing Economy as Primitive Accumulation: Locating the Political-Economic Position of the Capital-Extractive Sharing Economy

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Fairweather
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Sharing Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Primitive Accumulation ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Market Fundamentals ◽  
Political Economic

There has been much debate in the columns of newspapers as to how we should understand the sharing economy, but as yet, much of the debate is largely superficial, garnering little attention in terms of rigorous academic analysis. In this paper, I argue that the rise of the capital-extractive sharing economy model employed by companies like Uber and Airbnb cannot be understood outside of the political-economic context from which it emerges. Drawing on the work of Marxist scholars like David Harvey, I analyze such models through the lens of primitive accumulation, positioning their development as positive evidence of Harvey’s theory that capitalism seeks to colonize new spheres of social life in order to offload the tensions of its own internal conflicts; in this case, labour market insecurity. Further, I argue that the rise of the capital-extractive sharing economy should be recognized as constituting a further entrenchment of the global neoliberal project, particularly as it stands to affect union organizing, force deregulation in favour of free market fundamentals, and further deepen the labour market insecurity from which it rises in the first place.

scholarly journals Regional Radio: A Response by the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation to Democratization and Competition

2001 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carla W. Heath
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Radio Stations ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Fm Radio ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
First Time

Abstract: In 1992, constitutional governance was re-established in Ghana, and private broadcasting made legal for the first time. This paper explores one of the responses of the state-owned Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) to this novel situation, the opening of regional FM radio stations. Primary data for the paper was obtained from visits to six of the stations and interviews with station directors and other staff in July 1998. The political economic context in which the stations were established, their structures, and programming are examined. Evidence from this study indicates that with the new stations the GBC is expanding and enhancing its public service mandate. At the same time, institutional structures and scarce financial resources combine to prevent the Corporation from becoming independent of vested interests: government, commerce, or NGOs. Résumé: En 1992, on rétablit un gouvernement constitutionnel au Ghana et on légalisa la radiodiffusion privée pour la première fois dans ce pays. Cet article explore une des réponses à cette nouvelle situation de la part du radiodiffuseur d'état, le Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) : l'ouverture de stations de radio FM régionales. Les données de cet article furent recueillies lors de visites de six de ces stations en juillet 1998 et d'entrevues avec les directeurs des stations et d'autres membres du personnel. L'article examine le contexte politico-économique de la création, la structure et la programmation de ces stations. Les données recueillies pour cette étude indiquent que, grâce aux nouvelles stations, le GBC est en train de prendre de l'extension et de mieux remplir son mandat de service public. En même temps, cependant, les structures institutionnelles et les ressources financières peu abondantes de la Corporation empêchent celle-ci de gagner son indépendance par rapport à certains organismes intéressés : le gouvernement, les entreprises et les associations à but non lucratif.

Life in the North

2019 ◽  
pp. 11-18
Author(s):  
James G. Mendez
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Social Structure ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hostile Environment ◽  
Race Riots ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Economic

When war broke out on April 12, 1861, about two hundred thousand African Americans scratched out a life for themselves in a northern society that was hostile to their very existence. Though a few northern blacks were able to accumulate property and live in a manner similar to white citizens, the majority of African Americans struggled to survive at the bottom of the political, economic, and social structure of northern society. In the decades leading to the Civil War, blacks had to also endure the constant fear of violence and race riots that usually ended with the loss of black property and black lives. Yet despite these many obstacles, blacks found a way to survive in a hostile environment, which they did by building strong social institutions and by organizing and resisting oppressive laws and practices. And in the background were the constant and determined efforts to end slavery.

Stephen Miller on Capitalism in the Old Regime: A Response

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Heller
Keyword(s):  
Technological Progress ◽  
The Political ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Subsistence Economy ◽  
The North ◽  
Wage Labour ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Small Producers ◽  
Over Time ◽  
The Revolution

AbstractStephen Miller attempts to confute the idea that capitalist accumulation characterised the agriculture of the Île-de-France prior to the Revolution. Instead he tries to assimilate the agriculture of the north into theAnnalesmodel of neo-Malthusian agricultural cycles and Chayanovian subsistence economy which is supposedly characteristic of the Midi. I argue instead that the notion of a northern capitalist agriculture is rooted not only in the extensive modern research of Moriceau but in the political-economic writings of Turgot and Marx which have been largely ignored. Accumulation in the sense of the growth of fixed and variable capital and emerging technological progress characterised northern agriculture. The persistence of small producers which Miller sees as an index of unchanging stasis might better be investigated in terms of the evolution over time of a reservoir of wage labour for larger-scale enterprises as pointed out by Kautsky.

Ethnography and Criminal Cultures: Urban Change and the Context of Ethnographic Fieldwork

2021 ◽  
pp. 83-113
Author(s):  
Dick Hobbs
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnographic Fieldwork ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Ethnographic Studies ◽  
Historical Trajectory ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Post Industrial

This chapter addresses ethnographies of criminal culture. It refers in particular to the fluctuating political economic context within which this academic tradition has functioned and its historical trajectory. It addresses criminal cultures of the industrial era, the ethnographic studies that chart the criminal cultures that emerged from post-industrial society, and the constraints imposed upon contemporary ethnographers by the neoliberal university. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the author’s long-term engagement in the field, and queries the relevance of the concept of criminal culture by referring to an ongoing case study that is informed by the political economy of post-industrial society rather than by the dead hand of criminological orthodoxy.

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