Educating the Public? Affective and Epistemic Stances as Approaches to Campaigning during Ireland’s Eighth Amendment Referendum

Author(s):  
Louis Strange
Author(s):  
JOAN MULLEN

While crowding has been a persistent feature of the American prison since its invention in the nineteenth century, the last decade of crisis has brought more outspoken media investigations of prison conditions, higher levels of political and managerial turmoil, and a judiciary increasingly willing to bring the conditions of confinement under the scope of Eighth Amendment review. With the added incentive of severe budget constraints, liberals and conservatives alike now question whether this is any way to do business. Although crowding cannot be defined by quantitative measures alone, many institutions have far exceeded their limits of density according to minimum standards promulgated by the corrections profession. Some fall far below any reasonable standard of human decency. The results are costly, dangerous, and offensive to the public interest. Breaking the cycle of recurrent crisis requires considered efforts to address the decentralized, discretionary nature of sentence decision making and to link sentencing policies to the resources available to the corrections function. The demand to match policy with resources is simply a call for more rational policymaking. To ask for less is to allow the future of corrections to resemble its troubled past.


Significance A repeal vote would pave the way to legalise abortion in Ireland, which has one of the most restrictive abortion frameworks in Europe. Impacts A repeal vote would continue the trend of moving away from the strict religious teachings of the Catholic Church. If the public votes to repeal the eighth amendment, many women would no longer need to travel abroad to avail of abortion services. Broadening the abortion framework would likely bring Ireland in line with European trends and its international law obligations. Martin’s support for a repeal vote could make some pro-life members of Fianna Fail reconsider their position.


2020 ◽  
Vol 110 (5) ◽  
pp. 650-654 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elida Ledesma ◽  
Chandra L. Ford

Transgender women (i.e., persons who were assigned male sex at birth but who live and identify as female) experience forms of discrimination that limit their access to stable housing and contribute to high rates of incarceration; once incarcerated, the approaches used to assign them housing within the jail or prison place them at risk for abuse, rape, and other outcomes. Yet, a paucity of studies explores the implications of carceral housing assignments for transgender women. Whether the approaches used to assign housing in jails and prisons violate the rights of incarcerated transgender persons has been argued before the US federal courts under Section 1983 of the US Constitution, which allows persons who were raped while incarcerated to claim a violation of their Eighth Amendment rights. Reforms and policy recommendations have been attempted; however, the results have been mixed and the public health implications have received limited attention.


1999 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faith E. Lutze ◽  
David C. Brody

Research has shown that large segments of the public will only support shorter sentences for offenders if longer sentences are exchanged for harsh, intensive correctional experiences. An exchange of time for intensity has raised concerns about the purpose of correctional boot camp and the potential for abuse in programs intentionally designed to be severe. This article compares common forms of discipline used in shock incarceration programs with legal findings regarding what is cruel and unusual punishment. It concludes that practices commonly used at boot camp may be considered cruel and unusual and may give rise to costly inmate litigation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michał Białek

AbstractIf we want psychological science to have a meaningful real-world impact, it has to be trusted by the public. Scientific progress is noisy; accordingly, replications sometimes fail even for true findings. We need to communicate the acceptability of uncertainty to the public and our peers, to prevent psychology from being perceived as having nothing to say about reality.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-203
Author(s):  
Robert Chatham

The Court of Appeals of New York held, in Council of the City of New York u. Giuliani, slip op. 02634, 1999 WL 179257 (N.Y. Mar. 30, 1999), that New York City may not privatize a public city hospital without state statutory authorization. The court found invalid a sublease of a municipal hospital operated by a public benefit corporation to a private, for-profit entity. The court reasoned that the controlling statute prescribed the operation of a municipal hospital as a government function that must be fulfilled by the public benefit corporation as long as it exists, and nothing short of legislative action could put an end to the corporation's existence.In 1969, the New York State legislature enacted the Health and Hospitals Corporation Act (HHCA), establishing the New York City Health and Hospitals Corporation (HHC) as an attempt to improve the New York City public health system. Thirty years later, on a renewed perception that the public health system was once again lacking, the city administration approved a sublease of Coney Island Hospital from HHC to PHS New York, Inc. (PHS), a private, for-profit entity.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


1977 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 250-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hildegarde Traywick

This paper describes the organization and implementation of an effective speech and language program in the public schools of Madison County, Alabama, a rural, sparsely settled area.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document