scholarly journals Why Did Californians Pass Proposition 8? Stability and Change in Public Support for Same-Sex Marriage

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory B Lewis ◽  
Charles W Gossett
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris VanderStouwe

One of the premier social issues in contemporary US politics is that of same-sex marriage. This research explores language use and identity construction by same-sex marriage supporters through narratives of discrimination. This paper analyzes data collected through the non-profit Marriage Equality USA, wherein narrators respond to a survey question about experiences of discrimination during California’s Proposition 8 campaign, a statewide initiative that repealed the rights of same-sex couples to marry. In doing so, narrators use ideologies of religion and religious affiliation to: (1) construct a victim identity in relation to their experiences, (2) use this as a springboard to challenge their victimization, (3) establish opposition between individual and institutional positioning of religious identity, and (4) switch roles with their victimizers with respect to victim and empowered positions. In doing so, narrators use victimization as empowerment to convey a progressive position in an inevitably successful social movement.


This chapter discusses the two central theoretical questions that run throughout the story of Obergefell v. Hodges. It analyzes the proper role of the federal judiciary in a democracy and the role of politics and courts in creating and shaping constitutional meanings. It also explains how the work of social movements outside the courts and the work of litigators before the courts helped shape the constitutional understandings of the future. The chapter recounts public support for same-sex marriage that steadily increased as the opposition steadily declined until the two sides were roughly in equipoise around 2011. It talks about two contradictory stories about the role of courts in a democratic society, which are labelled as the Court as Mirror and the Court as Brick Wall.


2020 ◽  
Vol 117 (14) ◽  
pp. 7696-7701
Author(s):  
Tom S. Vogl ◽  
Jeremy Freese

Data from the General Social Survey indicate that higher-fertility individuals and their children are more conservative on “family values” issues, especially regarding abortion and same-sex marriage. This pattern implies that differential fertility has increased and will continue to increase public support for conservative policies on these issues. The association of family size with conservatism is specific to traditional-family issues and can be attributed in large part to the greater religiosity and lower educational attainment of individuals from larger families. Over the 2004 to 2018 period, opposition to same-sex marriage and abortion was 3 to 4 percentage points more prevalent than it would have been were traditional-family conservatism independent of family size in the current generation. For same-sex marriage, evolutionary forces have grown in relative importance as society as a whole has liberalized. As of 2018, differential fertility raised the number of US adults opposed to same-sex marriage by 17%, from 46.9 million to 54.8 million.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Thompson

Multiple studies find that exposure to news about mass shootings does little to increase public support for gun control. But are mass shootings able to shape public support for other policy preferences? In this paper, I conduct an empirical test of the effect of quasi-random exposure to news about the Pulse nightclub shooting – a mass shooting that occurred at an LGBTQ nightclub in Orlando, FL in June 2016 - on public support for same-sex marriage. Leveraging data from Wave 55 of The American Panel Survey (TAPS), I find that quasi-random exposure to news about the shooting increased public support for same sex-marriage by 10 points. Subgroup analyses indicate that the largest increases in support for same-sex marriage were among moderates, liberals and White Americans, while minimal increases in support were detected among conservatives and Hispanic Americans. The findings indicate that mass shootings may shape public support for policies that are related to victim characteristics such as sexual and gender identity, even if they do not shape broader support for gun control.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-124
Author(s):  
Alexa DeGagne

On November 4, 2008 California voters passed Proposition 8, and accordingly same-sex marriage was banned under the state constitution. Proposition 8 is now being considered by the Supreme Court. The proposition has sparked national debate about the nature of the relationship between the state and citizens’ sexuality and corresponding rights; calling into question the practice of allocating rights and privileges on the basis of sexuality and family form. Proponents of the proposition, who can be classified as predominantly socially conservative, want to maintain the status and privileges of marriage for heterosexuals; arguing that allowing same-sex marriage threatens the legitimacy, sanctity and strength of traditional heterosexual marriage. This article examines the extent to which three Californian pro-same-sex marriage organizations (Equality California, Join the Impact, and the Courage Campaign) have challenged and/or appropriated social conservative and neoliberal discourses in their effort to gain access to the rights and privileges that are currently administered through marriage.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 841-866 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Scott Matthews

Abstract.Public support for legal recognition of same-sex marriage increased markedly in Canada over the course of the 1990s. The argument of this paper is that a sequence of Supreme Court decisions in the realm of same-sex relationship recognition—and the legislative activity that followed as a result—played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion on this issue. It is argued that the impact of these institutions was twofold. First, by framing the issue as one of equal rights, the courts and legislatures induced many Canadians to weigh equality-related considerations more heavily in the formation of opinions on same-sex marriage. Second, legal recognition of same-sex relationships directly persuaded many Canadians that such recognition was legitimate. The paper uses data from the Canadian Election Studies for 1993, 1997 and 2000.Résumé.Durant les années 1990 le soutien populaire aux mariages entre conjoints de même sexe s'est clairement renforcé. La thèse principale de cet article avance qu'une série de décisions de la Cour suprême portant sur les relations entre conjoints de même sexe, de même que les décisions adoptées par les pouvoirs législatifs en réponse à ces jugements, jouèrent un rôle crucial dans la formation de l'opinion publique sur ces questions. D'abord, en formulant le débat en termes d'égalité devant la loi, les appareils judiciaire et législatif ont amené les Canadiens à accorder plus de poids aux arguments liés à l'égalité dans leurs réflexions sur le sujet. En second lieu, la reconnaissance légale des unions entre conjoints de même sexe a persuadé les Canadiens de la légitimité de cette reconnaissance. Les conclusions de ce texte s'appuient sur les données des éditions d'Étude électorale canadienne de 1993, 1997 et 2000.


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