Christenen in Bithynia-Pontus

Lampas ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Renske Janssen

Abstract The famous letters by Pliny the Younger and emperor Trajan about the Christian community of Bithynia-Pontus have traditionally been highly significant in the study of early Christianity. However, the letters have often been read in isolation. The rest of the correspondence between emperor and governor contained in the tenth book of Pliny’s Epistulae, meanwhile, has rarely been taken into account in a systematic way. This contribution will demonstrate that our understanding of the Christian letters is significantly enhanced by taking into account the underlying principles that shaped Roman provincial administration, and by placing Pliny’s interactions with the Christian community within the wider context of his duties as a Roman governor.

2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-274
Author(s):  
Christoph W. Stenschke

In Romans does Paul refer on several occasions to Christians other than the addressees. This essay gathers these references and examines their function in the overall argument of the letter. It argues that these references to individual Christians, the Christians of whole regions or even the wider Christian community, play an important role for the self-representation of Paul. In addition, they serve to place the Roman audience in the wider community of faith in which Paul claims to be well rooted and accepted. Thus he deserves full support for his further mission in the West. His upcoming visit to them and his request for their future support is far from a mere private matter. Furthermore, these references contribute to our understanding of Paul’s understanding of the nature of the church and to understanding the translocal nature of early Christianity.


Author(s):  
Tobias Georges

AbstractIn Apologeticum 39,14-19, Tertullian is focussing on the meal of the Christian community, and in 39,16, he alludes to the meal’s name as Agape. In consideration of the name Agape, Apologeticum 39 is usually taken for proof for the thesis that Tertullian was acquainted with a non-sacramental meal named Agape besides the celebration of the Eucharist to which he refers in other places. This thesis’ background is the traditional idea that, in Early Christianity, a non-sacramental communal banquet and the sacramental Eucharist were juxtaposed from the start or, at least, very early. Following recent studies which have called this view into question, this article focuses on Apologeticum 39 and contradicts the conventional interpretation of this chapter. The analysis of Apologeticum 39 reveals important arguments against the view that this chapter testifies the existence of an Agape meal distinguished from the Eucharist - and favours the view that in Apologeticum 39, we have a description of the one communal eucharistic meal.


1996 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
N.H. Taylor

AbstractScholarly interest in Onesimus has tended to focus on the history behind the letter to Philemon, the nature of Paul's request to Philemon, and the degree to which Philemon acceded to it. This study seeks to address these and other questions against the background of slavery and the religious practices of domestic slaves in the world of early Christianity. The case af Onesimus can illuminate the place of slaves in the early Church, and thereby broaden our understanding of religious conversion in early Christianity. The historical reconstruction offered here is that Onesimus sought the mediation of Paul in his dispute with Philemon. Paul seeks Onesimus's restoration to Philemon's household, and to the Christian community which gathered there. In leaving Philemon's house Onesimus had abandoned also the Christian church to which he had previously belonged, and Paul sought his reinstatement to both household and church. The study concludes with an application of Snow and Machelek's typology of the religious convert to Onesimus, as reflected in Paul's ideology as given expression in Philemon.


Author(s):  
Marcelo Da Silva Carneiro

Resumo: Este artigo pretende mostrar as mudanças teóricas sobre a localização dos evangelhos sinóticos. O objetivo é demonstrar como a localização dos evangelhos sinóticos foi por muito tempo fundamentada na Tradição, e não em análise contextual. Desde os Pais da Igreja os evangelhos sinóticos foram situados em diferentes pontos do império romano, em geral fora da região siro-palestinense. Novas tendências, no entanto, tem demonstrado que Marcos, Mateus e Lucas pertencem a um gênero literário vinculado ao mundo judaico da Palestina, e seus evangelhos refletem essa proximidade cultural. A partir disso é possível chegar a duas conclusões principais: por um lado, os evangelhos sinóticos surgiram para responder a demandas de comunidades judaico-cristãs que estavam em situação de crise e usaram a memória sobre Jesus para dar fundamento às suas respostas. Por outro lado, as novas tendências indicam a proximidade entre o cristianismo primitivo e o judaísmo, como expressão da pluralidade deste. Palavras-chave: Cristianismo Primitivo. Teoria Literária. Evangelhos Sinóticos. Tradição Oral. Abstract: This paper wants show the theoretical changes about the Synoptic Gospels locus. The object is show that the Synoptic Gospels locus are based just in Tradition, and not in contextual analysis. Since the Later Fathers, the Synoptic Gospels were located in different Roman Empire places, generally off Syros-Palestinian area. New tendencies, however, show that Mark, Matthew and Luke belongs a literary genre bound to the Palestinian Judaic world, and their Gospels reflect this cultural proximity. From this, it is possible conclude two principal points: one, the Synoptic Gospels emerged to respond to Judaic-Christian community demands, in crisis and used the memories about Jesus for give ground to their answers. Two, the new tendencies link the proximity between the Primitive Christianity and Judaism, as their plurality expression. Keywords: Early Christianity. Literary Theory. Synoptic Gospels. Oral Tradition.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-227
Author(s):  
Todd Berzon

This article outlines how recent scholarly interventions about notions of race, ethnicity and nation in the ancient Mediterranean world have impacted the study of early Christianity. Contrary to the long-held proposition that Christianity was supra-ethnic, a slate of recent publications has demonstrated how early Christian authors thought in explicitly ethnic terms and developed their own ethnic discourse even as they positioned Christianity as a universal religion. Universalizing ambitions and ethnic reasoning were part and parcel of a larger sacred history of Christian triumphalism. Christian thinkers were keen to make claims about kinship, descent, blood, customs and habits to enumerate what it meant to be a Christian and belong to a Christian community. The narrative that Christians developed about themselves was very much an ethnic history, one in which human difference and diversity was made to conform to the theological and ideological interests of early Christian thinkers.


Significance Seven months after a general election, the country remains without a government amid a dispute between Hezbollah, a Shia group, and the Sunni Prime Minister-designate Saad al-Hariri. Yet the government formation crisis is not only a product of Sunni-Shia tensions in the region; it stems equally from deep schisms in the Christian community. Impacts Continued confrontation will keep Christians divided and weak in the political system. If Aoun is incapacitated, the interim government would disagree over the process to replace him, triggering a much deeper governing crisis. If Washington implements a full range of sanctions against Hezbollah-linked activities, the financial system would threaten to collapse.


1980 ◽  
Vol 73 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 241-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morton Smith

In Jesus the Magician I argued that the earliest pagan reports of persecutions of Christians—those in Suetonius, Tacitus, and Pliny the younger—indicate that the persecutors believed the Christians were practicing magic. Here I want to explain their belief by reviewing the eariest evidence for Christian congregational practices and indicating how these practices would have been understood by the ancient Christians' neighbors. This does not imply that there were not other grounds for the persecutors' belief. Magic seems to have figured in the charges for which Jesus was condemned; it certainly was prominent in the propaganda against his cult that was spread by rival Jewish groups. Such propaganda doubtless shaped the expectations with which many outsiders viewed early Christianity, and people are apt to see what they expect to see. Nevertheless, Pliny's famous letter shows that Roman authorities sometimes tried to get beyond rumor to the facts. Accordingly we should ask what the facts would have looked like to men of the Greco-Roman world in the late first and early second centuries, a world in which magic was practiced on all levels of society and almost universally believed to be effective. As “the facts” we may take, with some reservations, the evidence about Christian congregations to be found in Paul's relatively unquestioned letters—Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, or Philippians, and Philemon.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (28) ◽  
pp. 247-262
Author(s):  
ALEX APARECIDO DA COSTA ◽  
RENATA LOPES BIAZOTTO VENTURINI

A administração provincial romana durante o Principado não era feita a partir de uma legislação homogênea que cobria todo o império, ao contrário, estava baseada em decisões precedentes e costumes locais. Diante disso, o objetivo deste artigo é apresentar uma discussão das cartas trocadas entre o imperador Trajano e Plá­nio, o Jovem, sobre as questões que envolviam o governo da Bitá­nia. A análise dessa correspondência expõe problemas e ambiguidades das relações de poder entre Roma e as periferias de seu império.Palavras-chave: Fronteiras. Identidades. Integração.  ROMAN PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION:  an analysis of the letters of Pliny the Younger and Trajan about the government of BithyniaAbstract: Roman provincial administration during the Principate was not conducted from a homogeneous legislation that covered the whole empire. On the contrary, it was based on previous decisions and local customs. The purpose of this article is to present a discussion on the letters exchanged between Emperor Trajan and Pliny the Younger on the issues surrounding the Bithynian government. The analysis of this correspondence exposes difficulties and ambiguities of the relations of power between Rome and the peripheries of its empire.Keywords: Frontiers. Identities. Integration.ADMINISTRACIÓN PROVINCIAL ROMANA:  un análisis de las cartas de Plinio, el Joven, y Trajano acerca del gobierno de BitiniaResumen: La administración provincial romana durante el Principado no se hacá­a a partir de una legislación homogénea que cubrá­a todo el imperio, al contrario, estaba basada en decisiones precedentes y costumbres locales. En este sentido, el objetivo de este artá­culo es presentar una discusión de las cartas intercambiadas entre el emperador Trajano y Plinio, el Joven, sobre las cuestiones acerca del gobierno de Bitinia. El análisis de esa correspondencia expone problemas y ambigá¼edades de las relaciones de poder entre Roma y las periferias de su imperio.Palabras clave: Fronteras. Identidades. Integración.    


2002 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-66
Author(s):  
P. H. Botha ◽  
F. J. Van Rensburg

Sexual purity before marriage in Corinth in the first century BC A socio-historical overview on the ethical codes within Judaism, Hellenism, and early Christianity shows that very definite codes were in place. Sexual purity within Judaism was based on two aspects, namely a property code and an ethical code. Early Christianity inherited its sexual ethics from Judaism and has reinterpreted it in the light of the Gospel. The moral status of Corinth was to a great extent the outcome of its religious and social history. The Christian community existed within these circumstances, but experienced problems in coping with the moral situation of its time. The Jewish, Graeco-Roman and Christian communities existed alongside each other in the city of Corinth and each of these groups had a code of conduct for sexual purity. It would seem that the different ethical codes for sexual purity had much in common. Virginity was a prerequisite, especially for unmarried females.


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