scholarly journals Pregovori o konkordatu između Kraljevine SHS i Svete stolice 1925. godine

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-116
Author(s):  
Radmila Radić

The Kingdom of SCS and the Holy See established diplomatic relations in March 1920. The Holy See accepted the new country with hostility and hesitation. The nuncio monitored not only the state’s religious policy but also the political atmosphere. He wanted to achieve unity among Roman Catholics in the civil and political spheres. The authorities of the Kingdom of SCS emphasized the need to maintain religious unity as the primary motivation in preparation for the concordat negotiations. Meanwhile, the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy dissatisfied with the state’s religious legislation asked the Holy See not to sign a concordat until their conditions were met. Much of the controversy during the talks concerned government ownership of church land, the establishment of religious orders, and the appointment of bishops. The negotiations were postponed with the intention of being continued. The 1925 talks did not achieve the goal but helped to define certain issues.

1977 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-210
Author(s):  
Thomas Morrissey

All societies are propped up by conscious and subconscious mythologies about their own origins, and about their mission within the larger world community. Anglo-Saxon mythology about its origins and development, and the position of Roman Catholicism in relation to this mythology, made entering into diplomatic relations with the Sovereign of the Roman States and head of the Roman Catholic Church a very long and delicate process. English Protestants regarded Catholicism as a mixture of anathema, superstition, and papal despotism; and everything that was English and precious was opposed to that terrible and oppressive Romanism which the genius of England had overthrown. England was a model for the world of constitutional liberty, of law and order, or prosperity and mortality; Romanism represented little other than the perversion of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. England prided itself on the literary, social, economic, and political accomplishments of English civilisation; Romanism conjured up images of immoral monks with vast wealth, Babington and Guy Fawkes, Titus Oates and Jesuitical casuistry, James II and monarchical tyranny. England was proud of her constitutional heritage, a heritage with deep roots in the forests of Germany; from the same Germany came the messiah who freed England from the idolatry of Rome; and on the throne of England sat a German constitutional monarch, bound by oath to uphold the Protestant succession. Roman Catholicism was linked with indolent Italians, immoral Frenchmen, and barbarous Irish; with craftiness, and the horrors of the confessional box. Memories of the Armada and Bloody Mary's persecutions, visions of Huguenots burning on St Bartholomew's Day, were still vivid in popular consciousness, and Foxe's Book of Martyrs was high on the best-seller lists.


Author(s):  
Velibor Dzomic

Due to the sparse Roman Catholic population in the Principality of Serbia, Roman Catholics fell under the category of a religious minority. Through different constitutional and other legal provisions Serbian state authorities guaranteed Roman Catholics freedom of religion and also granted the legal status to the Roman Catholic Church in Serbia. Austria and Russia had a substantial influence on the resolution to this issue, and these relations became even more dynamic after the Congress of Berlin. Decades-long process of regulating the exercise of religious freedom for Roman Catholics was overburdened with specific social and political circumstances and the overt inclination of Roman Catholic clergy to proselytism, which was not the case with other religious minorities in Serbia. Although several legal regulations concerning this issue were enacted in the Principality of Serbia, it was only with the Concordat between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Holy See (1914) that the issue was resolved amicably for both agreement parties.


1989 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 287-301
Author(s):  
Mathieu G. Spiertz

In 1572, when the provinces of Holland and Zeeland were almost completely overrun by the ‘Geuzen’, Pope Gregory XIII (1572-1585) succeeded to the Holy See. In 1578 this Pope forbade the Roman Catholics in the rebellious provinces to give any civil or military service to the rebels’ authority—on penalty of excommunication—and identified Catholicism with being faithful to the Spanish cause. When this Pope died in 1585, there was reasonable hope held in Rome that the recapture of the Northern Netherlands—and hence the restoration of Catholicism—would soon be realized, as Parma’s campaign was succeeding in the South of the Netherlands and one town after another fell into his hands.During the pontificates of Sixtus V (1585-1590) and Clement VIII (1592–1605) it gradually became clear to the Holy See that in the Northern Netherlands an independent state under Calvinist authority might be in the making. In these provinces the episcopal sees, set up in 1559, were either vacant or deserted since the bishops lived in exile. In spite of requests by Philip II the Holy See postponed the appointment of new bishops. However, in 1592 Clement VIII appointed an administrator, a ‘vicar apostolic’, who, in the name of the Pope, was to administer all the provinces where Calvinism had gained the upper hand, notably the area north of the great rivers in the present-day Netherlands. This vicar apostolic Sasbout Vosmeer (1592–1614) was consecrated in 1602 and given the title of archbishop of Philippi inpartibus infidelium.


1986 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Hennessey Cummins

The long-traditional view of the Roman Catholic Church in Spanish America as a monolithic, wealthy, and all powerful institution has been gradually modified by successive studies over the last thirty years. From these examinations emerges the picture of a complex institution characterized by diversity, and internal conflict. New research continues to enlarge and clarify understanding of the Church's role as an institution of the Spanish empire.What follows will, in highlighting the colonial Church's relationship to the Spanish crown, add to this view of it as a complex and diverse institution. An examination of crown policy with regard to Church finance in the sixteenth century shows that the episcopal hierarchy of the Mexican colonial Church had a subordinate relationship to the crown in the era of the Counter Reformation. Rather than a strong Church influencing the crown, what emerges is the portrait of a relatively weak, dependent institution, supported by the king. The secular church hierarchy had only enough power to carry out its function and serve as a counterpoint to the religious orders, not enough to achieve financial independence on its own. The basis for this relationship lies in the patrimonial nature of Castilian government and its dominant position over the Church hierarchy because of the Patronato Real.


2019 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-268
Author(s):  
Frans-Jos Verdoodt

De Heilige Stoel, d.w.z. het hoogste bestuurslichaam van de Rooms-Katholieke Kerk, toonde tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog in ruime mate begrip voor de verzuchtingen van de Vlaamse beweging. In de ogen van ‘Rome’ waren die verzuchtingen terecht: op grond van hun miskenning in het verleden, verdienden de Vlamingen, na de afloop van de oorlog, een tegemoetkomende houding vanwege de burgerlijke en kerkelijke overheid. Dat de katholieke aartsbisschop Désiré Mercier (1851-1926) die tegemoetkoming radicaal bleef afwijzen, stuitte in Rome nauwelijks op begrip. En dat de kardinaal-aartsbisschop zich daarenboven steeds meer profileerde als het symbool van het verzet tegen de Duitse bezetter versterkte het ongenoegen bij sommige leden van de Romeinse Curie.De Heilige Stoel mocht dan wel oordelen dat de Vlaamse Kwestie na de oorlog moest worden beslecht, zolang die oorlog woedde, wenste men een pragmatisch standpunt in te nemen: de bezetting was beslist een kwaad, maar daarom diende men nog niet op te roepen tot een burgeroorlog.__________ Roma locuta, causa finita? The Holy See, that is to say, the highest administrative body of the Roman Catholic Church, demonstrated a broad understanding for the aspirations of the Flemish Movement during the First World War. In the eyes of ‘Rome’ these aspirations were just: on account of the poor treatment that they had received in the past, the Flemings deserved an accommodating attitude from the civil and ecclesiastical authorities after the end of the war. The fact that Catholic archbishop Désiré Mercier (1851-1926) remained radically opposed to this accommodation was met with bewilderment in Rome. What’s more, the fact that the Cardinal-Archbishop also began to present himself more and more as the symbol of resistance to the German occupier strengthened the displeasure among some members of the Roman Curia.The Holy See could certainly proclaim that the Flemish Question needed to be settled after the war; so long as the war raged they wanted to take a pragmatic point of view: the occupation was certainly wicked, but still, one did not have to call for a civil war on its account.


Author(s):  
Stephen J. Hunt

This paper has argued that over some four decades the Catholic charismatics have been pulled in different directions regarding their political views and allegiances and that this is a result of contrasting dynamics and competing loyalties which renders conclusions as to their political orientations difficult to reach. To some degree such dynamics and competing loyalties result from the relationship of the charismatics in the Roman Church and the juxtaposition of the Church within USA politico-religious culture. In the early days of the Charismatic Renewal movement in the Roman Catholic Church the ‘spirit-filled’ Catholics appeared to show an indifference to secular political issues. Concern with spiritually renewing the Church, ecumenism and deep involvement with a variety of ecstatic Christianity drove this apolitical stance. If anything, as the academic works showed, the Catholic charismatics seemed in some respects more liberal than their non-charismatic counterparts in the Church. To some extent this reflected their middle-class and more educated demographic features. More broadly they adopted mainstream cultural changes while remaining largely politically inactive. As they grew closer to their Protestant brethren in the Renewal movement Catholic neo-Pentecostals tended to express more conservative views that were then part of the embryonic New Christian Right - the broad Charismatic movement becoming more overtly politicised in the 1980s. Somewhat later the Catholics were being pulled towards the traditional core Catholicism at a time the Renewal movement found itself well beyond its peak and influence in the mainstream denominations including the Roman Church. The Catholic charismatics were ‘returning to the fold’. During this period too the New Christian Right increased its attempt to marshal a broad coalition of conservative minded Protestants and Catholics. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s this proved to be largely ineffectual. The 2004 American Presidential election saw the initiation of the second office of George Bush. It seems clear that without the support of the New Christian Right - fundamentalist, Evangelicals, Pentecostals, charismatics - the victory would not have been secured. Based on research in South Carolina, however, suggests that the CR continues to be inwardly split and quarrels with other wings of the Republican Stephen J. Hunt: BETWIXT AND BETWEEN: THE POLITICAL ORIENTATIONS OF ROMAN CATHOLIC NEO-PENTECOSTALS • (pp. 27-51) THE CONTEMPORARY ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND POLITICS 49 Party, particularly business interests are evident.59 It is also apparent that into the twenty-first century there has proved to be an uneasy alliance in the New Christian Right, threatening to split along lines already observable in the 1970s and 1980s. For one thing the some of the political and social, if not moral teachings of the Catholic Church are at variant with such organizations as the Christian Coalition. The re-invention of the New Christian Right has not fully incorporated conservative Catholics nor Catholic charismatics. A further dynamic is that lay Catholics, charismatics or otherwise, have increasingly adopted a ‘pick and choose’ Catholicism in which there is a tendency to exercise personal views over a range of political issues irrespective of the formal teachings of the Church. To conclude, we might take a broader sweep in our understanding of the role of Catholicism in USA politics, in which the Catholic charismatics are merely one constituency. Recent scholarly work has pointed to the often under-estimated political influence of Roman Catholics in the USA. Genovese et al.60 show how today, as well as historically, Catholics and the Catholic Church has played a remarkably complex and diverse role in US politics. Dismissing notions of a cohesive ‘Catholic vote,’ Genovese et al. show how Catholics, Catholic institutions, and Catholic ideas permeate nearly every facet of contemporary American politics. Swelling with the influx of Latino, Asian, and African immigrants, and with former waves of European ethnics now fully assimilated in education and wealth, Catholics have never enjoyed such an influence in American political life. However, this Catholic political identity and engagement defy categorization, being evident in both left-wing and right-wing causes. It is fragmented and complex identity, a complexity to which the charismatics within the ranks of the Catholic Church continue to contribute.


1961 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel H. Barnes

Since the English conquest, the Quebec Roman Catholic Church has been the most important single agency for the defense and perpetuation of the French-Canadian heritage in North America. Although its commanding position is unchallenged, the Church has long shared its authority with elites in the political and economical spheres. These other elites, however, have by no means competed with the Church. Indeed, interchange and cooperation among elites have been characteristic of French-Canadian society. Viewed as essential to cultural survival, this close unity among elites has encouraged the retention of an ordered, hierarchical social structure with many pre-industrial features.


1952 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-44

With the assistance of ten students and six priests over a period of 12 months, the head of the department of sociology at Loyola University of the South conducted a field study of the social actions of parishioners and clergy in a single Roman Catholic Church unit in the city of New Orleans. The methodology and conceptual framework of the analysis of action within the context of the social institution, viewed structurally and functionally, have been magnificently adhered to. Religious actions, conceived as such by the actors and by others who interpret their behavior, are the substance of this study in parochial sociology. Data were collected by patient observation of the many aspects of the detailed religious patterns of action in which Roman Catholics engage. These are, among others, the typical and atypical behavior associated with church attendance, the sacraments, retreats, missions, recruitment for the priesthood, special devotions and feast-days, and the observances relating to baptism, matrimony and death.


Horizons ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-323
Author(s):  
Henry J. Charles

AbstractAn important dimension of the changing character of Roman Catholic theological education is the growing numbers of Catholic lay women and men in all degree programs at non-Catholic, university related divinity schools, theologates, and departments of religious studies. This year-long study focused on Roman Catholic students and graduates of five schools across the country, in a first attempt to analyze the phenomenon and to suggest implications of the trend both for “ecumenical” theological education and for ministry in the Roman Catholic Church.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 4
Author(s):  
Milda Alisauskiene ◽  
Apolonijus Zilys

This paper analyzes the phenomenon of anticlericalism in contemporary Lithuania, applying a sociohistorical approach. It starts with a discussion on the problem of criticism of religion and anticlericalism in contemporary societies, and particularly Lithuania. The empirical part of the paper provides a statistical data analysis of two surveys, conducted in 2012 and 2018. The secondary data analysis showed that age and place of residence of Roman Catholics in Lithuania were statistically meaningful factors for the formation of anticlerical stances. Younger respondents expressed more critical stances towards the clergy, while respondents living in large cities of the country had more relaxed stances towards clergy than those living in small towns and rural areas. Living in a proximity to a Roman Catholic church in rural areas determined the prevalent anticlerical attitudes among the Lithuanian population.


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