Partial Détente

Author(s):  
Timothy J. Minchin

This chapter examines the AFL-CIO’s history during the presidency of George H.W. Bush (1989-1993). Overall, the Bush era was a moderate improvement for the AFL-CIO, and for American working people. During Reagan’s presidency, vice-president Bush had forged a workable relationship with the AFL-CIO, and the Federation’s leaders viewed him in a more positive light. Bush was not as hostile to labor as Reagan, and – helped by the improved economy – organizing picked up, there were some defensive victories in labor disputes, and the AFL-CIO also found common ground with the Bush administration in foreign affairs. As one AFL-CIO staffer put it, these years were characterized by a partial détente. Ultimately, however, there was no fundamental turnaround in labor’s fortunes.

Unable ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kalt Brian C

Section 4 of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment has never been used, though it should have been used when President Reagan was shot and nearly killed in 1981. He was unconscious for hours and incapacitated for days, but his administration decided not to transfer power to Vice President Bush. Several years later, Reagan’s staff considered Section 4 more seriously, due to concerns about the President’s performance. They decided against it. Reagan did, however, invoke the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s less exciting Section 3 prior to a planned surgery, setting a precedent followed by President George W. Bush on two occasions.


2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Sutter

This assessment first briefly examines recent features of China's approach to foreign affairs, and then examines in greater detail features in China's approach to relations with its neighbours, especially in Southeast Asia. It does so in order to discern prevailing patterns in Chinese foreign relations and to determine in the review of salient recent China–Myanmar developments in the concluding section how China's approach to Myanmar compares with Chinese relations with other regional countries and more broadly. The assessment shows that the strengths and weaknesses of China's recent relations with Myanmar are more or less consistent with the strengths and weaknesses of China's broader approach to Southeast Asia and international affairs more generally. On the one hand, China's approach to Myanmar, like its approach to most of the states around its periphery, has witnessed significant advances and growing interdependence in the post-Cold War period. On the other hand, mutual suspicions stemming from negative historical experiences and salient differences require attentive management by Chinese officials and appear unlikely to fade soon.


1988 ◽  
Vol 28 (263) ◽  
pp. 166-170

In response to invitations by the Red Cross Societies of Norway and Sweden and the respective governments of these countries, ICRC President Cornelio Sommaruga visited Oslo from 24 to 26 January and Stockholm from 27 to 29 January 1988.In Norway, the President had talks with leaders of the Norwegian Red Cross, notably Mr. Björn Bruland, President, HRH Crown Princess Sonja, Vice-President, Mr. Odd Grann, Secretary General, Mr. A. Torbjornsen, head of the International Department, and Mr. J. Egeland, head of Information. Mr. Sommaruga also had meetings with the following representatives of the Norwegian Government and public administration: Mr. Gunnar Berge, Minister for Finance, Mrs. Gjesteby, Secretary of State at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and Mrs. E. Nordbó, Secretary of State to the Prime Minister.


1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-478

The third part of the tenth session of the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe was held from January 19 to 22, 1959. Mr. Hamdi Ragip Atademir (Turkish Democrat), Vice-President of the Assembly, informed the Assembly that the President had sent invitations to the United States Congress and to the Canadian Parliament with a view to organizing a second Strasbourg Conference between delegations of the two parliaments in question and a delegation of the Consultative Assembly. Acting on behalf of Mr. Selwyn Lloyd, Chairman of the Committee of Ministers, Lord Lansdowne, United Kingdom Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs, then presented the Second Supplementary Report of the Committee to the Assembly. Speakers in the general debate on the Report stressed the necessity for better coordination of these two main organs of the Council.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 108-139
Author(s):  
Heather Goodall

At the end of World War 2, there were high hopes across the Indian Ocean for a new world in which the relationships between working people would mean more than the borders which separated them. This paper will explore the fate of the hopes for new worlds, in the decades after 1945, by following the uneven relationships among working class Australians, Indonesians and Indians in the aftermath of an intense political struggle in Australia from 1945 to 1949 in support of Indonesian independence. They had been brought together by intersections between the networks established through colonialism, like trade unions, communism and feminism, with those having much longer histories, like Islam. The men and women in this Australian setting expressed their vision in 1945 for a future of universal and transnational networks across the Indian Ocean which would continue the alliances they had found so fruitful. Today their experiences as well as their hopes might be called cosmopolitanism – they expected that the person-to-person friendships they were forming could be sustained and be able to negotiate the differences between them to achieve common aims. Although these hopes for new futures of universal alliances and collaborations were held passionately in the 1940s, all seem to have died by 1970, diverted by newly independent national trajectories and defeated by the Cold War. Yet many of the relationships persisted far longer than might be expected and their unravelling was not inevitable. This paper will trace the course of a few of the relationships which began in the heat of the campaigns in Australia, 1943 to 1945, in order to identify the continuing common ground as well as the rising tensions which challenged them.


1979 ◽  
Vol 19 (213) ◽  
pp. 313-314

The ICRC was honoured in 1978-9 to receive several distinguished guests; they were welcomed by President Hay, together with other members of the International Committee and members of the directorate:5 December 1978, Their Majesties King Carl Gustav and Queen Silvia of Sweden, accompanied by the Permanent Representative of Sweden in Geneva;16 June 1979, Mr. J. C. Turbay Ayala, President of the Republic of Colombia, accompanied by Mrs. Turbay Ayala, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and of Defence and the Colombian Permanent Representative to Geneva;21 June, Their Majesties King Juan Carlos and Queen Sophie of Spain, with a large retinue including the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and of Labour, the Spanish Ambassador and the Spanish Permanent Representative to Geneva;3 July, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, U.N. Secretary-General, with Mr. L. Cottafavi and Mr. W. Buffum, Under Secretaries-General, and others;11 October, Mr. Abel Alier, Second Vice-President of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan, with Mr. Isseldin Hamid, Minister of State, Mr. Omar Yusif Birido, Ambassador and Permanent Representative to Geneva.


1984 ◽  
Vol 24 (243) ◽  
pp. 340-341

The opening ceremony for the new building of the Central Tracing Agency took place at the ICRC on 29 October 1984. During the inauguration about one hundred guests were addressed by Mr. Pierre Aubert, Federal Councillor and head of the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Jacques Vernet, Vice-president of the State Council of the Republic and Canton of Geneva, Professor Jean-Werner Huber, Director of the Federal Buildings Office, and Mr. Alexandre Hay, President of the ICRC.


1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franco Mattei ◽  
Herbert F. Weisberg

Attitudes towards a departing administration can help shape attitudes towards candidates, especially when the incumbent vice-president is one of the candidates. This succession effect was apparent in the 1988 presidential election, when Vice-President Bush benefited from the enduring popularity of retiring President Reagan. This article develops a model in which succession effects, the net candidate score and party identification affect the general election vote. Analysis shows that this effect remains when controls are instituted for retrospective voting more generally. Attitudes towards Reagan also had an indirect impact by affecting the net Bush-Dukakis candidate score; altogether the estimated impact of the Reagan effect in 1988 was to turn the vice-president's predicted loss into his observed victory. Additionally, a succession effect was detected in the 1988 nominating campaign, with Bush's popularity over Dole benefiting from reactions to the Reagan administration. There is evidence of succession effects in other presidential elections, particularly a Johnson effect in 1968.


2015 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 336-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zoltán Imre

Sitting between the First Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs and a Vice-President of the Council of State for Cultural and Socialist Education in the official box at the Opera House for the gala première of the Royal Shakespeare Company's production of “A Midsummer Night's Dream” on 23 October and watching those adroit fairies prepare Bottom for his night of love with Titania, I began to get an uneasy feeling that things were not going well as I observed their consternation and embarrassment at the erotic miming before us. This impression was confirmed by their almost monosyllabic comments at my reception during the interval. “Très intéressant” said Gliga, but then words failed him; “très piquant” said [Ion] Blad—a more apposite comment on the scene than perhaps intended, but even this faint praise clearly left other thoughts unexpressed. . . . However, on the following day my Cultural Attaché and later the manager of the Company were called to a 2 1/2-hour meeting with ARIA, the Romanian State impresarios, to hear their “suggestions” for the modification of the “Phallic Bottom” episode; but the manager insisted that he had no power to alter Peter Brook's masterpiece in any way at all and this particular scene in fact remained unaltered during the remainder of the run.—D. R. Ashe On 31 October 1972, Derick Rosslyn Ashe, the British ambassador to Romania, sent this strictly confidential report to J. L. Bullard, the head of the East European and Soviet Department at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in London. His report was written a few days after the Royal Shakespeare Company (RSC) had completed its tour in Romania, which took place from 22 to 28 October 1972. Although Peter Brook's production of A Midsummer Night's Dream had originally premiered on 27 August 1970 at Stratford-upon-Avon, the British Council chose it for a tour of Eastern Europe in 1972, and the company played it in Belgrade, Budapest, Bucharest, Sofia, Zagreb, and Warsaw.


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