Saying No to the Status Quo

This chapter explores the 1995 race for the AFL-CIO presidency, which witnessed the first contested election in the Federation’s forty-year history. These were extraordinary and divisive events, and the chapter brings them to life through access to interviews with key participants, including both Tom Donahue and John Sweeney, who faced off for the presidency after Lane Kirkland was challenged by the Sweeney-led reformers and resigned. New written records are also mined here, including the AFL-CIO’s Papers and Donahue’s private papers. Sweeney ultimately proved victorious, winning by promising to commit far more resources to organizing, to overhaul the Federation’s political program, and to connect the AFL-CIO more clearly to grassroots workers, particularly women and racial minorities. While acrimonious and divisive, the 1995 race launched a new era in the Federation’s history.

From Solidarity to Defeat

The chapter explores the difficult period between Solidarity Day and the 1984 presidential election. Facing a hostile political climate and an ongoing economic recession, the AFL-CIO tried to continue fighting back. In 1982, 1983, and 1984, Kirkland organized Solidarity Day II, III, and IV, and all were large marches. There were some significant internal reforms, as Kirkland oversaw the continued diversification of the Executive Council. Other changes strove to improve the AFL-CIO’s image in the media and to increase communication with members. Kirkland also launched a major organizing campaign in Houston, a brave effort in hostile territory. Continuing to see itself as a “People’s Lobby,” the Federation had some success in defending important social programs, particularly Social Security. Overall, however, Kirkland’s reforms did not go far enough, and union density declined at a rapid rate in these years. President Reagan also won re-election easily in 1984, placing the AFL-CIO and its members further under fire.

Our Job Has Never Been Harder

During the presidency of George W. Bush, the national political climate turned to the right in a way that hurt the AFL-CIO, and working Americans more generally. Constrained by internal and external resistance, as well as the rapid decline of the manufacturing sector, organizing stalled. A major campaign to secure labor law reform again fell short, while health care reform never got off the ground. Disappointment fed dissension in the ranks. In 2005 Andy Stern took almost 40 percent of the AFL-CIO’s members into Change to Win, a rival federation. This was the biggest schism in organized labor since the 1930s, and it generated plenty of negative publicity. Despite all the problems, the Federation retained a lot of political power, especially during national elections. In 2006, the AFL-CIO played a crucial role as the Democrats regained control of the House and Senate and won a majority of the governorships and state legislatures. In 2008, the Federation launched an unprecedented campaign to help the Democrats regain the presidency, convincing many white members to put aside their racial fears and vote for Barack Obama. These events confirmed that the AFL-CIO was still an important progressive force in American life.

Big Visions and Big Hopes

ThIs chapter examines the early Sweeney years, a remarkable time full of optimism for the AFL-CIO, and for many of America’s working people. Sweeney launched a wide range of reforms, putting an increased emphasis on organizing, political mobilization, and grassroots work, and forging new bonds with unions in other countries. He also introduced unprecedented diversity into the AFL-CIO, appointing more female staffers than ever before, and reaching out to female and minority workers. Sweeney’s efforts secured results; in 1998, for example, union membership increased by 101,000 over the previous year, a notable turnaround. The optimism was still evident at the end of 1999, when the AFL-CIO joined with environmentalists and engaged in mass demonstrations at the World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle. Two events – the contested 2000 presidential election and 9/11 – acted as turning points, initiating a domestic climate that was much more hostile to the AFL-CIO.

Partial Détente

This chapter examines the AFL-CIO’s history during the presidency of George H.W. Bush (1989-1993). Overall, the Bush era was a moderate improvement for the AFL-CIO, and for American working people. During Reagan’s presidency, vice-president Bush had forged a workable relationship with the AFL-CIO, and the Federation’s leaders viewed him in a more positive light. Bush was not as hostile to labor as Reagan, and – helped by the improved economy – organizing picked up, there were some defensive victories in labor disputes, and the AFL-CIO also found common ground with the Bush administration in foreign affairs. As one AFL-CIO staffer put it, these years were characterized by a partial détente. Ultimately, however, there was no fundamental turnaround in labor’s fortunes.

Epilogue

This epilogue surveys developments since September 2009, when Richard Trumka replaced John Sweeney as AFL-CIO president. It covers events up to the end of 2015, when the research period of this project ended. Overall, Trumka continued many of Sweeney’s reforms, placing a big emphasis on organizing, political mobilization, and connecting with women and minority workers. He also continued to diversify the AFL-CIO’s leadership; in 2009, for example, for the first time, two of the Federation’s top three officials were women. Trumka also had to confront many negative developments, especially in the wake of the Tea Party elections of 2010. Many Republican governors now sought to take on unions, especially in the public sector, with the high-profile battle in Wisconsin (2011) being the best example. Despite being more “under fire” than ever, the AFL-CIO continued to fight back, defending important progressive legislation and remaining as the only mass membership, national organization fighting for working Americans.

Defending What We Have

This chapter explores Reagan’s second term, a very difficult time that was, in many ways, as dreadful as the AFL-CIO had feared. During these years, there was no let-up in the Federation’s decline. Between 1979 and 1989, union density fell sharply, from 24.1 percent of the work force to just 16.8 percent. Almost every other measure of union strength, including the number of strikes and the number of NLRB representation elections, also plummeted. Organized labor, summarized one labor relations expert, had endured a “terrible time” under Reagan. There were some positives, including a recovering economy (which helped organizing), and increased unity within the AFL-CIO. In 1986, labor also played an important role in helping the Democrats to regain control of the U.S. Senate. The AFL-CIO also fought successfully to preserve progressive legislation that benefitted millions of Americans, including Social Security and OSHA. Overall, however, it remained very much “under fire.”

The Roots of Decline

This chapter surveys the AFL-CIO’s history between 1955, when it was founded, and 1979, when Lane Kirkland replaced George Meany as president. For this entire period, George Meany served as president. The chapter focuses on the AFL-CIO’s power during this period, particularly in enacting a great deal of progressive legislation during the presidencies of John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson. Meany’s ideas – such as his anti-communism and strong leadership characteristics –are also covered. The chapter surveys the Meany era in considerable detail, emphasizing that he left Lane Kirkland a troubled legacy, especially as he was slow to recognize the ‘’roots of decline” and organize new members. Meany was particularly slow to respond to the entry of women into the American work force, and the AFL-CIO’s Executive Council remained all-male throughout his presidency.

He’s on Our Side?

After the difficult Reagan-Bush years, the Federation expected a lot from new Democratic president Bill Clinton, and played an important role in his election. This chapter explores the AFL-CIO during Clinton’s presidency, particularly his crucial first term. To be sure, Clinton did much more for working Americans than his Republican predecessors. Consulting closely with the Federation, he passed the Family and Medical Leave Act, issued a reemployment order for the former PATCO strikers, and appointed more sympathetic officials to the NLRB. Despite these important achievements, Clinton’s administration failed on the three key issues that the Federation had identified: health care reform, workplace fairness legislation, and trade. Rather than ensuring fair trade, moreover, the administration pushed through NAFTA with considerable zeal. In an effort to stop NAFTA, the Federation launched an unprecedented campaign among its members, but the President’s commitment to the Agreement won the day. Demoralized after this defeat, the AFL-CIO failed to campaign sufficiently in the 1994 midterm elections, helping the Republicans to make stunning gains. The GOP’s clean sweep of Congress destroyed hopes for progressive reform, and led to internal criticism of Kirkland’s leadership, which continued to baulk at fundamental reform. The stage was set for Kirkland to be overthrown.

Kirkland Fights Back

This chapter focuses on “Solidarity Day,” the largest U.S. labor march ever held, and one of the largest marches in all of American history. Held on September 19, 1981, Solidarity Day was organized by the AFL-CIO as a protest against President Reagan’s budget and tax cuts, as well as his claims to speak for working Americans. According to the National Park Service, 260,000 people attended Solidarity Day, more than the number that had turned out for either the iconic March on Washington in 1963 or the Vietnam War Moratorium in 1969. Many reports, moreover, suggested that around 400,000 people had taken part. Closely monitoring events, the Reagan administration estimated that no fewer than 250 organizations had taken part, including 100 unions and a variety of civil rights, religious, and civic groups. Drawing on new archival records and interviews with participants, this chapter provides the first detailed analysis of Solidarity Day. The march showed that Lane Kirkland could fight back and mobilize the AFL-CIO’s mass membership. Sustaining the march’s momentum in the longer-term, however, would be a challenge, especially given the broader conservative political climate.