Speaking to the Spirit of the Games

Author(s):  
Maurice J. Hobson

Chapter Five focuses on the calculated and concerted steps taken by Atlanta’s white business elite and black city government to bid for the Centennial Olympic Games. A diverse cohort of private interests generated the necessary funds to give Atlanta a competitive bid for the Games was formed. This cohort included officers of Atlanta’s fortune 500 companies comprising of the Coca-Cola Company and Delta Airlines, Atlanta businessman Billy Payne, and politicians Mayors Maynard Jackson and Andrew Young. Once awarded the Centennial Games, two movements of paramount importance commenced, representing what the author calls the “olympification” of Atlanta. “Olympification” connotes the policies where urban renewal and gentrification were implemented to get Atlanta ready for the Games. The first of these movements, a joint effort between the United States Olympic Committee (USOC) and the Atlanta Organizing Committee (AOC) worked to prepare the city for the Games is of extreme importance. The second movement, the Atlanta Project, gave way to social change in Atlanta waging war against poverty within the city. Started by the former U.S. president, humanitarian and Georgia native Jimmy Carter, this project had good intentions. But in the end, it did very little for Atlanta’s poor, thus further excluding them from the popular image of Atlanta as black Mecca.

Author(s):  
Sam Mitrani

This chapter examines how the Chicago Police Department figured in the native-born Protestant elite's attempt to control urban life in the city during the 1870s. In the 1870s, it became increasingly clear that the promise of “free labor” would not be met. Native-born Protestant urban elites across the country felt as if the cities were slipping into the grasp of immigrant workers and unemployed vagrants. This chapter describes the efforts of Chicago's traditional native-born, Protestant urban elite to enforce stricter temperance laws, regulate economic life, especially construction, and gain tighter control over the municipal government itself. It begins with a discussion of the responses of Chicago's business elite and politicians, the city government, and the police to the Great Chicago Fire of 1871 as well as to the fear of crime that gripped Chicago in the summer of 1872. It then considers the Committee of Seventy's attempts to control the police and their divided stance over temperance and concludes with an assessment of the power struggle in the Chicago Police Department that would continue through 1873.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurence Ralph

Abstract The background context for this study is the relationship between the right to bear arms and the role of policing in the United States. The fact that the second amendment guarantees the right to bear arms and the correlative right to form “a well-regulated militia” have long been central to the scholarly understanding of the role of guns in American society. Yet few social scientific studies have taken the friction between militias and the burgeoning police departments of the 1800s as a point of departure for present-day debates about the police’s use of force. For the early part of US history, many citizens feared that the police would attempt to supplant militias. In some southern cities, like New Orleans, residents argued that if the city government was going to let the police patrol the city, they should do so without guns. It was the threat of slave uprisings that ended the conflict between militias and the police. A major implication of this study is that rooting the contemporary understanding of police violence in early debates about the police’s use of force can help social scientists better understand how policing is understood and experienced today. Indeed, the African Americans interviewed for this study view the gun in the hands of a police officer as a technology that is rooted in the slave patrol. This is because it is the descendants of enslaved people who are disproportionately subject to police shootings. The article demonstrates this point by exploring a 2014 police shooting. The shooting of Laquan McDonald garnered national attention when, on October 20, 2014, Chicago police Officer, Jason Van Dyke, shot the 17-year-old Black teenager 16 times. The methods employed in this study include: archival data on the early use of force debate, discourse analysis of court testimony from Van Dyke’s 2018 first degree murder trial, and semi-structured interviews with Chicago residents who discuss this case. Ultimately, this study finds that in the McDonald shooting, the gun helps to reproduce the fantasy of Black predatory violence that is rooted in slavery.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Narendra Sharma ◽  
Ebere A Oriaku ◽  
Ngozi Oriaku

A preliminary study of the impact of tax cuts on job creation was done by studying a random sample of 12 largest corporations selected from the Fortune 500 companies. The Annual Reports of the 12 sample companies pre-tax cut and post-tax cut periods were downloaded, and figures tabulated for revenues, property, plant, and equipment (PPE) as well as employees reported by those companies for both the periods.  We found that the revenue increased by an average of 7.78 percent which showed signs of growth in those companies, but the investment in PPE by the companies during the same period increased at an average of only 0.32 percent, which indicated that the companies did not divert the resources they saved in taxes to add capacity. Therefore, the potential for jobs growth was nonexistent or minimal.  Another indicator showed the same outcome as the companies reported their workforce reduced since 2017 by an average of 0.54 percent.


John Rawls ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 233-236

In the United States, full-time working women on average earn 82 percent of what full-time working men earn.1 Globally, women often fare much worse, earning an average of 68 percent of men’s earnings.2 In addition to getting paid less than men to do the same jobs, women often do not have the opportunity to do the jobs men do. Men still occupy most business leadership positions both in the United States and in the world more broadly. In 2019, less than 5 percent of Fortune 500 companies had a female CEO....


2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 327-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael T. Friedman

Following the trend of cities throughout the United States subsidizing new baseball stadiums within their economic redevelopment strategies, in 2005, the city government of Washington, D.C. agreed to subsidize the construction of Nationals Park for the use of the Washington Nationals baseball team. In its design of the stadium, HOK Sport architects sought to represent the “transparency of democracy” as they were inspired by the democratic image and iconography of the US Capital city. Using a perspective based in Lefebvre’s (1991b) production of space, I explore the power relations produced and reproduced within spatial and cultural production. I argue that instead of creating an inclusive space, architects designed a space that exemplifies the late capitalist moment in its focus on consumption, social control, and aesthetic production. Nationals Park, thus, excludes people by class, privileges visitors over residents, and provides an unrealistic view of the city that marginalizes less powerful groups.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yvette M. Sterbenk ◽  
Jamie Ward ◽  
Regina Luttrell ◽  
Summer Shelton

PurposeThis study explores the framing of messages delivered by 105 Fortune 500 companies across 21 sectors in June 2020 in response to three social justice issues that took prominence that month in the United States: racial inequity, immigration laws and LGBTQ rights.Design/methodology/approachResearchers compiled a list of the top five companies in each sector on the 2020 Fortune 500 list, with a resulting list of N = 21 sectors and N = 105 companies. A database of corporate statements was compiled along with a comprehensive list of recurring themes. Quantitative framing analysis was used to examine each corporate statement.FindingsSeventy percent of the companies examined made statements about the issue of racial injustice, 58% about LGBTQ issues and only 6% about immigration policy. Coders identified the most frequent message type coded on each social justice issue: racial inequity –“Working Together”; immigration policy – “Celebration”; LGBTQ rights – “Celebration.”Research limitations/implicationsThis study relied on a quantitative analysis of themes, but it did not analyze the specific language or media used. Further examination of rhetorical choices could uncover additional meanings in the messages.Practical implicationsCompanies are increasingly called upon to speak out on controversial issues. This can be challenging for communicators who are deciding how to respond. This study sheds light on the common frames used in corporate statements.Originality/valueNo studies to date have adopted a content analysis approach to assess the content of corporate activist statements. Examining the messages is important because, as more companies become increasingly vocal about social issues, stakeholders utilize this information to judge the sincerity of both the company and the message.


2021 ◽  
pp. 479-556
Author(s):  
Veronica Schmidt

“Learning Agility in Action” presents a series of 10 real-world case studies examining how organizations have applied learning agility in their talent management and leadership practices. The cases are from a variety of organizations, ranging from school systems to healthcare organizations to Fortune 500 companies such as Procter & Gamble, IBM, and Johnson & Johnson. Organizations are based in the United States as well as in China and Australia. All of the case studies were written by practitioners. They identify how the concept of learning agility was introduced into their organizations, difficulties and pleasant surprises they experienced, and successes and drawbacks they have observed. It is hoped those lessons will provide a road map of best practices for readers in their journeys to implement learning agility in their talent management practices and organizational cultures.


Author(s):  
Julia E. Rusk

This afterword presents a vision for well-being policies and actions in the United States, focusing on the experience of the City of Santa Monica, California. The purpose of data is to put it into action. The goal in Santa Monica is to make this a reality, with benefits accruing regularly to every resident, neighborhood, business, and contributor to the community. This was the idea behind Santa Monica’s local Wellbeing Index: harnessing the power of data for the commonwealth that would reveal the story of the people and the community in new ways, and that would help to transform city government. The goal of the Wellbeing Index was to expand the measures of a community far beyond the traditional and economically-focused gross domestic product (GDP). Going forward, the Wellbeing Index will be the tool used to evaluate whether policies, programs, and other City investments are in fact improving community well-being. The chapter also looks at Santa Monica’s programs, such as the Youth Wellbeing Report Card and the Pico Wellbeing Project.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-84
Author(s):  
Patricia Petersen

Does the border between the United States and Canada make a difference? To a political scientist it does for the obvious reason: the border defines two different political entities with different forms of government, different political customs and conventions. Two attempts in the first thirty years of the twentieth century to change the structure of the government of the City of Toronto illustrate the difference the border can make. The two proposals, commission government and city manager government, had originated with municipal reformers in the United States during the Progressive Era. The main idea behind both plans was to concentrate the executive and legislative authority in one governing unit. Commission and city manager government, however, attracted only a few supporters in the City despite their extreme popularity in the United States. City government in Toronto was not considered as bad as the government in those cities in the United States that had changed to new forms. Moreover, the proposals were American innovations and Toronto politicians were wary of American fads, especially ones like these which were drawn "from the uncertain spheres of political theory."


Open Health ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-39
Author(s):  
Ayodeji Emmanuel Iyanda ◽  
Yongmei Lu

Abstract Having poor mental health can be life-threatening, and problems tied to it are prevalent in communities across the United States (US). The city of Austin is one of the ten cities in the US undergoing rapid urban gentrification; however, there is insufficient empirical evidence on the impact of this process on residents’ health. Consequently, this study explored the concept of weathering and life course perspective using data of 331 residents recruited from two regions endemic with gentrification to assess the health impacts of gentrification. We used a triangulation method including univariate, bivariate correlation, and multiple linear regression implemented through the structural equation model to examine the complex pathways to three health outcomes—measured stress, self-rated mental health, and depression symptoms. Bivariate Pearson’s correlation indicated a significant positive association between gentrification score and mental health symptoms and stress. However, the direct association between gentrification and depression disappeared in the causal/path model. In support of the weathering hypothesis, this study found that stress score was directly related to the adulthood depression score. Therefore, this research builds on the accumulating evidence of environmental stress and mental health in the US’s rapidly changing physical and sociocultural environment. Hence, implementing and guaranteeing social equity of resources will improve residents’ health and reduce the cost of health care spending at both the household level and the city government level.


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