A Study on the Political Justification of Public Sports Club Policy : Focused on the Operation System and Implications

2018 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 291-308
Author(s):  
Won-Jae Jeon ◽  
Soo-Weon Lim
2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-70
Author(s):  
Snjezana Prijic-Samarzija

The new and vibrant field of the epistemology of democracy, or the inquiry about the epistemic justification of democracy as a social system of procedures, institutions, and practices, as a cross-disciplinary endeavour, necessarily encounters both epistemologists and political philosophers. Despite possible complaints that this kind of discussion is either insufficiently epistemological or insufficiently political, my approach explicitly aims to harmonize the political and epistemic justification of democracy. In this article, I tackle some fundamental issues concerning the nature of the epistemic justification of democracy and the best theoretical framework for harmonizing political and epistemic values. I also inquire whether the proposed division of epistemic labour and the inclusion of experts can indeed improve the epistemic quality of decision-making without jeopardizing political justification. More specifically, I argue in favour of three theses. First, not only democratic procedures but also the outcomes of democracy, as a social system, need to be epistemically virtuous. Second, democracy?s epistemic virtues are more than just a tool for achieving political goals. Third, an appropriate division of epistemic labour has to overcome the limitations of both individual and collective intelligence.


Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

This chapter analyses the way in which the Visconti justified their seigneury and their expansionist policies on an ethical and political level. They attempted to set themselves up as paladins in the war against tyranny—now seen not in its traditional sense as one of the degenerate forms of government, but as a division of the political body, a prime cause of war and an obstacle to peace. Through this intrepid conceptual twist, pro-Visconti circles were thus notably successful in deflecting any delegitimizing accusation away from their masters, while at the same time elaborating an ethico-political justification for their expansionism: a first glimpse, here, of the ideological foundations of the regional state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
David Daw Olebogeng

Mine companies are experiencing a change in the political system of the country (South Africa). This political change from apartheid government to the government of Democratic has brought about a totally different system of government; this change has led to the transformation of mines companies from employment section to housing of mineworkers from their operation system, how are the mines companies / houses dealing with this change? Changes in the political and economy of the gold mining in the 1970s - 1980s have prompted management to begin moving away from migratory labour and implementing alternative accommodation strategies for black mine workers. The paper aims to provide some understanding of the current housing situation and housing needs of mineworkers more than a decade after the abolition of the legislation which had shaped the living environments of mineworkers in South Africa, and will look at the different I alternative approaches for housing black mine workers and how they can afford housing.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 471-498
Author(s):  
Christian Olaf Christiansen

Whereas many scholars have concluded that neoliberalism as well as deregulation was among the key causes of the financial crisis of 2008, much less work has been done on particular reforms and the specific political rhetoric which justified them. This is a comparative study of the political justification of financial deregulation, examining two spectacular cases: the repeal of Glass-Steagall in 1999 and the passing of the Commodity Futures Modernization Act in 2000. There was a widespread, outspoken uncertainty about the consequences of financial deregulation in the 1990s public debates. Building upon Mark Blyth’s seminal work on economic ideas, this article traces the free market ideas and rhetoric that were invoked to reduce this uncertainty about financial derivatives and deregulation, thereby serving as an enabling factor for deregulation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 163-186
Author(s):  
Sharath Srinivasan

This chapter, ‘Lying’, examines how peacemakers respond to renewed violence during peace negotiations and the implications for recurrent war and non-violent politics. Specifically, it investigates how and why foreign peacemakers misrepresented the political dimensions of Darfur’s violence for a critical year when war broke out and escalated rapidly. A careful textual analysis of peacemakers’ public statements and internal institutional knowledge gives evidence to how they either stayed conspicuously silent despite mandates or accountabilities requiring them to speak out, or depoliticized the violence, thus distancing the conflict from the realm of Sudan’s ‘north-south’ peace negotiations. Further, the chapter argues that peacemakers actively turned a blind eye to the SPLM/A’s surrogate violence in Darfur and, for a time, also gave a green light to the government’s counter-insurgency. That peacemakers might lie per se is not of interest; lies are a feature of politics in the public realm. However, lying is prone to exacerbate violence when, coming from those claiming to make peace, it serves to deny a public realm for political justification or condemnation of violence.


1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Cohen ◽  
Joel Rogers

Since the publication of John Rawls'sA Theory of Justice, normative democratic theory has focused principally on three tasks: refining principles of justice, clarifying the nature of political justification, and exploring the public policies required to ensure a just distribution of education, health care, and other basic resources. Much less attention has been devoted to examining the political institutions and social arrangements that might plausibly implement reasonable political principles. Moreover, the amount of attention paid to issues of organizational and institutional implementation has varied sharply across the different species of normative theory. Neoliberal theorists, concerned chiefly with protecting liberty by taming power, and essentially hostile to the affirmative state, have been far more sensitive to such issues than egalitarian-democratic theorists, who simultaneously embrace classically liberal concerns with choice, egalitarian concerns with the distribution of resources, and a republican emphasis on the values of citizen participation and public debate (we sketch such a conception below in Section I). Neglect of how such values might be implemented has deepened the vulnerability of egalitarian-democratic views to the charge of being unrealistic: “good in theory but not so good in practice.”


2021 ◽  
pp. 64-75
Author(s):  
Fabienne Peter

Political deliberation and decision-making typically take place in circumstances of substantial uncertainty about what should be done. Some of this uncertainty concerns decision-relevant empirical facts and some of it concerns decision-relevant normative facts. It is widely accepted that uncertainty about empirical facts should make us cautious and that political justification must take such uncertainty into account. Some have argued, however, that uncertainty about empirical and normative facts is not symmetrical, and that normative uncertainty does not demand the same caution. This chapter argues that the argument against symmetry does not work in the political context and that political justification must take normative uncertainty into account.


Author(s):  
Esteban A. Juárez

RESUMENEl artículo se propone registrar los puntos principales de la controvertida relación que Theodor Adorno mantuvo, entre 1950 y 1966, con los jóvenes músicos reunidos en torno a los Cursos Internacionales para la Nueva Música realizados en Darmstadt. Se expondrá el modo en que en la música serial, a pesar de su progresismo, que el filósofo medía por el trato con la modernidad radical representada por la escuela vienesa de Schönberg, resonaban elementos que neutralizaban las fuerzas productivas de la nueva música. Al final se elucidará la justificación política que acompañaba a los síntomas estéticos de envejecimiento que Adorno atribuía al círculo de compositores de postguerra.PALABRAS CLAVEADORNO, ESTÉTICA NEGATIVA, RACIONALIZACIÓN, ARTE AUTÓNOMO,MÚSICA SERIALABSTRACTThe paper proposes to record the main points of the controversial relationship Theodor Adorno held, between 1950 and 1966, with the young musicians gathered around the International Courses for the New Music performed in Darmstadt. Here is presented the way in which in serial music, despite its progressivism, which the philosopher measured in the treatment with the radical modernity represented by the Viennese School of Schönberg, resounded elements that neutralized the productive forces of the new music. Finally, I intend to elucidate the political justification that accompanied the aesthetics symptoms of aging that Adorno attributed to the circle of post-war composers.KEYWORDSADORNO, NEGATIVE AESTHETICS, RATIONALIZATION, AUTONOMOUS ART, SERIAL MUSIC


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