scholarly journals Sociological Explanation of Bread Usage (Investigated to Citizens Residing in 3.7 and 19 Regions of Tehran)

2022 ◽  
Vol 18 (119) ◽  
pp. 275-292
Author(s):  
Bizhan zare ◽  
Salah-aldin Ghaderi ◽  
Leila Nouri ◽  
Mohammadreza Sabeghi ◽  
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...  
1983 ◽  
Vol 88 (5) ◽  
pp. 1035-1037
Author(s):  
Arthur W. Frank

1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. H. Birch

MY STARTING POINT IS THE RATHER PLATITUDINOUS PROPOSITION that political science is a branch of scholarship which can be defined in terms of the activity studied but not in terms of the method adopted, which is to say that it is not a discipline like history or physics. To say that these subjects are disciplines is to indicate that historians and physicists are committed both to a certain method of acquiring data and to a certain mode of explanation. Because political scientists are not so committed they are inevitably involved in controversies about method and explanation, and the view I propose to discuss here is the view that, although several modes of explanation are open to students of politics, only the historical mode, and on a different level the philosophical mode, are appropriate. Those who hold this view lean heavily on the writings of Professor Michael Oakeshott and I shall begin with a very brief reference to Oakeshott's account of the main modes of experience and explanation. Subsequent sections will discuss the relevance of this account to students of politics, the nature of historical explanation, and the possibility of alternatives such as sociological explanation.


1969 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. G. Runciman

The aim of this paper is methodological, not substantive. In the first section I shall discuss the familiar problem of how ‘religious’ beliefs can, if at all, be usefully distinguished from beliefs of other kinds (1). In the second, I shall try to suggest what constitutes an adequate sociological explanation of beliefs in general. In the third, I shall illustrate my argument by a direct comparison between Max Weber and fimile Durkheim (2).


1969 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Voyé

The relatively hereditary character of diverse cultural phenomena has already drawn attention to the role that the family can play in this trans mission. It appears in particular that political orientations and the chances of access to different types and levels of education can frequently be explained by a specific family membership. Two types of argument are put forward here in order to explain how the family can appear as a privileged place of cultural apprenticeship: on the one hand psychological arguments linked with the primary and universal character of family education and the type of relations that this develops; on the other hand a more sociological explanation based on the repercussion that the more or less great complexity of learned language entails with regard to diverse exterior participations, and on the comparison between the impact of the family and those of other socializing agents on the successive choices which they will impose. To these explanatory elements of the existing link between cultural memberships and the family environment is added, for religion as much as for the family, the transition from the public to the private sphere. This parallel evolution will tend to increase the autonomy of religion on the plane of secondary elaborations for which it will borrow its mode of re-interpretation from the exigencies of daily life, particularly from the family.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Liss

Previous sociological studies demonstrated that U.S. multinational corporations (MNCs) had durable political power to motivate U.S. trade policy. However, why did the United States switch from a “free trade” to an “America First” trade agenda? Economists and political scientists argue that protectionist voters elected the protectionist candidate—Trump. An alternative sociological explanation is that U.S. MNCs lost political power to competing stakeholder groups. The article uses qualitative and quantitative methods to test these competing theories using the case study of the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The article argues that both theories are necessary, and neither are sufficient. The United States withdrew from the TPP because increasing negative effects of trade and investment in the United States reshaped trade politics, especially on the republican side; however, power relations between stakeholder groups had to shift as well. U.S. MNCs lost political influence over trade policy to new domestic manufacturing organizations and their networks with labor and fair trade coalitions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003022282097643
Author(s):  
Rachelle M. Younie

Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) is a diagnosis given to infants who die suddenly and unexpectedly before the age of one. After decades of research into SIDS, little has been conclusively determined regarding the etiology of this phenomenon. While SIDS deaths are in reality undetermined deaths, there is resistance to abandon SIDS and synonymous terminology. This paper identifies the social functions that a diagnosis of SIDS provides both to the families of the deceased, as well as the physicians who treat them. It is suggested that these social functions help to explain why, despite being inaccurate and misleading, SIDS is still widely used today. It is argued, however, that the forensic pathology and medical community as a whole should lead a systematic shift away from the use of SIDS as a diagnosis. Adopting more medically-appropriate terminology would better serve the goals of the medical profession and the families they serve.


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