scholarly journals CHINESE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE IN THE COUNTRIES OF THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL

Author(s):  
AGHAVNI HARUTYUNYAN

China's relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have expanded significantly in recent years, especially in the areas of geopolitics, economics, trade, finance, banking, infrastructure, energy and security. China is deepening its economic cooperation with the GCC monarchies through the China-Arab Cooperation Forum (CASCF) and the China-GCC Framework Agreement. A mechanism that can strengthen trade relations is the FTA between China and the GCC. The Chinese New Silk Road Initiative (NSRI) was accepted by all GCC countries that became members or perspective members of the Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The NSRI project called "Industrial Park - Connecting ports, Two-Wheel and Two-Wing Approach" would provide the basis for consolidating China-built industrial parks in key cities of the GCC with regional ports to create business clusters, increase trade flows, and connect supply chains across the region. The future of relations between China and the GCC oil-producing countries will be based on strong, less fluid building blocks, which has facilitated alignment of the NSRI with the national development concepts of the GCC countries. All, are designed to diversify their economies from a single-resource rentier model to a post-oil model, with the necessary transition to manage their dependence on foreign labor, public sector employment and heavily subsidized utilities.

2020 ◽  
pp. 10-42
Author(s):  
Daniel S. Markey

This chapter explains the historical wellsprings and national interests that motivate China’s increasingly ambitious global policies including the Belt and Road Initiative. It discusses how Chinese security concerns, especially those related to Xinjiang, along with broader strategic aims lead Beijing to play a greater role in continental Eurasia. There China’s involvement tends to start with economic and trade relations, but in recent years (and especially under the leadership of President Xi Jinping), China has moved from “keeping a low profile” to “striving for achievement” in ways that stray from “non-interference.” To accomplish its global aims, China is developing new tools of economic statecraft, security, and diplomacy. These are described in detail, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the China International Development Cooperation Agency, a modernized military with greater power projection capabilities, the port facility in Djibouti, private security contractors, the China Global Television Network, and new technologies for political repression.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Noura Saleh Almujeem

Purpose The study aims to examine the geoeconomic significance of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries to China’s global geopolitical ends. In this vein, the paper also seeks to explore the interplay between China’s grand geoeconomic strategy and China’s geopolitical ends from a realist perspective. Design/methodology/approach The study uses the realism theory to explore the interplay between China’s geoeconomic presence in the GCC countries and its geopolitical global ends. Findings The study concludes that China under President Xi Jinping has geopolitical ends, and they are the regional and global leadership. To achieve them, President Xi has formulated a grand geoeconomic strategy consisting of four strategies: going out strategy, periphery strategy, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. These strategies will maximize China’s economic power and presence around the world. From a realist perspective, this presence and its evolving consequences such as the balance of dependence will enable China to achieve its geopolitical ends. In this vein, China’s geoeconomic strategy in the GCC countries has largely maximized China’s economic presence in the Gulf. This presence highly serving China’s geopolitical global ends for two reasons: the economic weight of the GCC countries and their strategic location within BRI. Originality/value The study can prove the realistic dimension of geoeconomics in the neoliberal era on the application to China’s geoeconomic strategy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-113
Author(s):  
Nana Tawiah Okyir

This article argues for the strengthening and entrenchment of socio-economic rights provisions in Ghana's jurisprudence. The purpose of this entrenchment is to engender judicial activism in promoting more creative pathways for enforcing socio-economic rights in Ghana. The article traces the development of socio-economic rights in Ghana's jurisprudence, especially the influence of the requirements of the international rights movement, particularly of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). The article delves into the constitutional history of Ghana and its impact on the evolution of rights in the country. Of particular historical emphasis is the emergence of socio-economic rights under the Directive Principles of State Policy in the 1979 Constitution. However, the significance of the socio-economic rights only became profound with the return to democratic rule under the 1992 Constitution, again under a distinct chapter on Directive Principles of State Policy. However, unlike its counterpart, the chapter on the Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms, which is directly enforceable, the Directive Principles of State Policy were not. It took the Supreme Court of Ghana a series of landmark decisions until finally, in 2008, it arrived at a presumption of justiciability in respect of all of the provisions in the 1992 Constitution. It is evident that prior to this, the Supreme Court was not willing to apply the same standards of adjudication and enforcement as it ordinarily applies in respect of rights under the chapter on Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms. Having surmounted the non-justiciability hurdle, what is left is for the courts to begin to vigorously pursue an agenda that puts socio-economic rights at the centre of Ghana's rights adjudication framework. The article draws on comparative experiences from India and South Africa to showcase the extent of judicial creativity in rights adjudication. In India, the courts have been able to work around provisions restricting the enforcement of Directive Principles by often connecting them to Fundamental Freedoms. In South Africa, there is no hierarchy between civil and political rights on the one hand and socio-economic rights on the other; for that reason, the courts give equal ventilation to both sets of rights. The article further analyses these examples in the light of ongoing constitutional reforms in Ghana. It argues that these reforms fall short of the activism required to propel socio-economic rights adjudication to the forefront in Ghana's jurisprudence. In this regard, the article proposes social movements as a viable tool for socio-economic rights advocacy by recounting its success in previous controversial issues in Ghana. The article also connects this to other important building blocks like building socio-economic rights into a national development blueprint. Overall, the article calls for an imaginative socio-economic rights enforcement approach that is predicated on legislation, judicial activism, social movements and a national development blueprint aimed at delivering a qualitative life for the Ghanaian.


Water ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (7) ◽  
pp. 1971
Author(s):  
Asad Sarwar Qureshi

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries are located in the driest part of the world with an annual per capita water availability of 500 m3 compared to the world average of 6000 m3. Agricultural water demand, which is more than 80% of the total water consumption, is primarily met through the massive exploitation of groundwater. The enormous imbalance between groundwater discharge (27.8 billion m3) and recharge (5.3 billion m3) is causing the excessive lowering of groundwater levels. Therefore, GCC countries are investing heavily in the production of nonconventional water resources such as desalination of seawater and treated wastewater. Currently, 439 desalination plants are annually producing 5.75 billion m3 of desalinated water in the GCC countries. The annual wastewater collection is about 4.0 billion m3, of which 73% is treated with the help of 300 wastewater treatment plants. Despite extreme water poverty, only 39% of the treated wastewater is reused, and the remaining is discharged into the sea. The treated wastewater (TWW) is used for the landscape, forestry, and construction industries. However, its reuse to irrigate food and forage crops is restricted due to health, social, religious, and environmental concerns. Substantial research evidence exists that treated wastewater can safely be used to grow food and forage crops under the agroclimatic conditions of the GCC countries by adopting appropriate management measures. Therefore, GCC countries should work on increasing the use of TWW in the agriculture sector. Increased use of TWW in agriculture can significantly reduce the pressure on freshwater resources. For this purpose, a comprehensive awareness campaign needs to be initiated to address the social and religious concerns of farming communities and consumers. Several internal and external risks can jeopardize the sustainable use of treated wastewater in the GCC countries. These include climate change, increasing costs, technological and market-driven changes, and regional security issues. Therefore, effective response mechanisms should be developed to mitigate future risks and threats. For this purpose, an integrated approach involving all concerned local and regional stakeholders needs to be adopted.


2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 358-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adboulaye Kaba ◽  
Raed Said

Bridging the gap of the digital divide can play an important role in education, employment and economic growth of any country. The present study attempts to examine and analyze the digital divide status of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries compared with countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other Arab countries. It uses 19 indicators of four factors adapted from The Global Information Technology Report 2009–2010 to measure the digital divide. Findings of the study indicated that GCC countries have a better ICT infrastructure than the ASEAN and other Arab countries. Similarly, the results of the study revealed that GCC nations have more ICT users than the ASEAN and other Arab countries. However, the study found no significant differences among these groups of countries in regard to government support and usage of ICT. Findings of the Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) show that, across the three groups of countries, the influence of ICT infrastructure is consistently significant in narrowing the digital divide. The regression results also prove a significant relationship between government support for ICT and government usage of ICT.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Jizi ◽  
Rabih Nehme ◽  
Cynthia Melhem

PurposeThe Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries form a unique socioeconomic environment that makes the conclusions of the prior literature not likely to be applicable. GCC countries have huge oil reserves, yet they are aiming at reducing oil dependency through enhancing transparency, increasing foreign direct investments and reforming their governance structure. Their firms are mainly family owned and have low female representation in leadership positions. The study seeks to fill a literature gap by providing a business case supporting the call for gender diverse boards for better governance.Design/methodology/approachThe study examines a sample of GCC-listed firms for the years 2009–2018. Three measures are used to proxy for firm social engagement, namely, CSR strategy score, environmental, social and governance (ESG) disclosure score and social pillar score. To ensure whether the presence of women on board or the number of women on board is influential on social engagements, the authors use the existence of women on board and the percentage of women on board variables. Data are collected using Thomson Reuters, and generalized least squares (GLS) panel data regression is used to estimate relationships.FindingsThe authors find that female representation on GCC corporate boards is increasing, yet in a slow path. The reported results support the role of women on boards in prompting firms' social agenda and enhancing the level of sustainability reporting. The results also show that female board representation supports the implementation of climate change policy, business ethics policy and health and safety policy.Originality/valueThe paper evidence the add value of women participation on GCC corporate boards in enhancing boards' functionality and governance. The empirical findings encourage firms and policymakers in the GCC countries to increase the share of females on corporate boards to improve firms' citizenship and facilitate attracting foreign investors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (15) ◽  
pp. 1439-1447
Author(s):  
Siti Nurhasanah ◽  
Marthen Napang ◽  
Syaiful Rohman

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was initiated by Xi Jinping after being elected as the president of China in 2012. BRI connects Asia, Africa, and Europe based on shared-destiny to created trade routes integrates main centers of economic vitality. This project gave benefit for all participating countries, such as providing help for poorer regions. Even China created a financial system that supports this project, called The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and The New Development Bank (NDB). China's efforts to expand its influence in the world are similar to US efforts in the 19th century, known as Manifest Destiny. Americans believed that the US is destined to expand the territories westward approaching Pacific Ocean and spreading democracy. This effort is also highly related to their belief that the US is a City upon a Hill. There was some belief that the US becomes a great country that leads other nations in the world. The focus of this paper is two American beliefs in the context of China's effort to increasing its economic and military power in the world by reactivating the Silk route. The author uses the concept of Tianxia as City upon a Hill and Manifest Destiny in Chinese version in analyzing China's measures to increase its strength on an international level. The author will further analyze how these beliefs being adopted by Chinese government in realizing its dream of regaining the glory of managing silk-road, making it the new silk-road. Keywords: Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), New Silk Route, Manifest Destiny, City upon a Hill, Tianxia


2021 ◽  
pp. 002088172110553
Author(s):  
Sameena Hameed

Despite the Indian government's proactive initiatives and reforms in the labour laws in the host countries, the welfare of Indian workers in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries remains compromised. The Indian workers continue to face exploitation, often left stranded or forced to return home penniless. In line with best global practices, India’s Bilateral Labour Agreements (BLAs) and Memorandum of Understanding (MoUs) with all the GCC countries need to make specific reference to the host countries' labour laws and facilitate bilateral coordination in the governance of the full migration cycle. Special focus is needed in the construction sector, where a vast majority of low-skilled Indian workers are employed. The article examines the effectiveness of India’s BLAs and MoUs with the GCC countries in protecting the low-skilled Indian workers in the region.


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