Peranan NGO Islam dalam Menangani Agenda Feminisme di Malaysia

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-112
Author(s):  
Norsaleha Mohd. Salleh

The aim of the study is to survey the roles of Wanita Ikatan Muslimin Malaysia (Wanita ISMA) (Women of Muslim Association of Malaysia – ISMA Women), an Islamic NGO which efforts are directly involved in repudiation of the feminist agenda in Malaysia. Feminism movement is among the agenda of the enemies of Islam aims to mutilate Muslim women’s personality and identity. It comes in the forms of intellectual invasion, call for freedom, gender equality and humanity. Such slogans successfully created deception and delusion in the eyes of Muslim women like an oasis in the desert till they are viewed as true and evident. The study used action research. ABSTRAK Kajian ini bertujuan meninjau peranan Wanita Ikatan Muslimin Malaysia (Wanita Isma), sebuah NGISMA, kesamarataan, Agenda, kebebasan, feminisme, kempenO Islam yang terlibat secara langsung dalam usaha menolak agenda feminisme di Malaysia. Gerakan feminisme merupakan antara agenda musuh bertujuan untuk merosakkan keperibadian dan jati diri wanita muslimah. Ia datang dalam bentuk serangan pemikiran, seruan kebebasan, kesamarataan gender dan kemanusiaan. Slogan ini berjaya menipu dan mengaburkan mata wanita muslimah sehingga dilihat benar dan nyata seumpama fatamorgana. Kajian ini menggunakan pendekatan kajian tindakan sebagai metodologi dengan menggunakan Model Kajian Tindakan Kemmis & McTaggart. Kajian ini dilakukan berdasarkan empat langkah tindakan iaitu mereflek, merancang, bertindak dan memerhati. Dapatan menunjukkan penolakan ini ditonjolkan melalui Kempen Selamatkan Ummah (KSU), Kempen Tolak Comango, Kempen Muliamu Wanita Kerana Islam, Usrah Wanita , Fiqh Wanita serta melalui seminar dan konvensyen yang diadakan dari semasa ke semasa. Usaha penolakan juga diketengahkan melalui penulisan buku dan kenyataan balas terhadap golongan feminist dalam laman web wanita ISMA, laman buka buku, media ISMAweb serta media liberal seperti MalaysiaKini, Malaysia Insider dan lain-lain. Usaha yang dilakukan ini bagi memberikan kesedaran kepada masyarakat Islam di Malaysia agar semakin peka dan sensitif bagi sama-sama mempertahankan jatidiri dan keperibadian wanita muslimah daripada terpengaruh dengan agenda golongan feminis.    

2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Holly Randell-Moon

In 2005 and 2006 members of the John Howard led Coalition Government, including the Prime Minster and Federal Treasurer Peter Costello, questioned whether Muslim dress, such as the hijab, conformed with ‘mainstream’ Australian standards of secularism and gender equality. In doing so, Howard and Costello used a feminist-sounding language to critique aspects of Islam for purportedly restricting the freedom and autonomy of Muslim women. I argue that race is implicated in the construction of Islam as a “threat” to secularism and gender equality because an unnamed assumption of the Australian ‘mainstream’ as Anglo-Celtic and white informs the standards of normalcy the Government invokes and constructs Islam as a ‘foreign’ religion. Further, whilst the demand for Muslim women to conform with ‘mainstream’ norms potentially contradicts the Government’s commitment to women’s autonomy, such a contradiction is not peculiar to the Howard Government. Using the work of Jean-Luc Nancy and Stewart Motha, I place the ‘hijab debates’ within the tension in liberal democracies between fostering autonomy and requiring a universal civil law to guarantee (but exist above) individual autonomy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
M Ali Sofyan

The relationship between masculine and feminine is collectively constructed. Both narrative and discourse of feminism has long emerged up to the third-wave. As Foucault has been pointed out that feminism itself has constructed discourse on inequality since it departs from patriarchy. Meanwhile, patriarchy has produced a threat even though it is under the pretext of feminism. The term postfeminism is thus arises after feminism, where there are no sources of oppression that originate from patriarchy.In fact, however, the interpretation of religious arguments (Islam in particular) does not subordinate women. But on the contrary, the religious argument actually wants to make women equal to men in the society. This article offers an analysis of the relation between Islam and postfeminism based on the perspective of religious commodification. It was noted that social media played a pivotal role in raising religion to engage on a global scale.Women from the perspective of postfeminism are seen as independent subjects. Freedom, gender equality, and pluralistic representation are the starting points for postfeminist women. Soft Power owned by social media contextualizes religion (Islam) and disseminates ideas including femininity in a new method, where the religious consumption can be enjoyed every second.Indonesian (Muslim) women campaign for gender equality and postfeminism awareness that is free in all things through social media (Instagram and YouTube). This is usually done in various ways such as lectures and fashion. Religious commodification, in this case is seen when religious understanding is capitalized. This perspective finally bringing Muslim women to say that "I am beautiful for myself". Although some argue that capitalizing religion appear to be less precise, when the commodification of religion can support women's freedom.


Author(s):  
Ann-Dorte Christensen ◽  
Birte Siim

The article explores the intersectional approach to citizenship and politics of belonging focusing on the different framings of gender and ethnicity. It investigates the intersections of gender and ethnicity in the construction of national belongings. The hijab debates illustrate the contextual uses of intersectionality in public debates and illuminate the different framings of gender and ethnicity with both inclusionary and exclusionary effects. The argument is that political actors can (mis)use arguments about gender equality in order to construct social distinctions between ‘them and us’ – between the white gender equal majority and the oppressed Muslim women.


Author(s):  
Lena Martinsson

Abstract 1 May 2017 hundreds of Muslim women wearing the veil took part in an International Workers’ Day demonstration in Gothenburg. The Swedish modernity project places a strong value on the idea of secularism. However, while secularism and Christianity become inseparable and part of the imagined Swedish community, Islam and Judaism are excluded from the Swedish and European centre. An EU verdict that sparked the idea of a 1 May demonstration is one example of this historical process. Muslim women wearing the veil are not counted in the modernist work of gender equality in Europe and Sweden. This example is especially serious, and violent, in Sweden, where gender equality is understood as a national quality. This version of modernity offers a bright future for the hegemonic centre and requires others to assimilate. The hundreds of Muslim women in the demonstration challenged the notions that modernity and Swedish gender equality must, by definition, be secular/Christian. The women—who addressed themselves as important historical political subjects—performed through the demonstration a decolonial alternative to the story of Swedish anti-religious modernity. The existence of more than one linear path to gender equality undermines the narrative of colonial modernity and Swedish white exceptionalism.


Author(s):  
Shelley Jones

This paper reports upon an arts-based participatory action research project conducted with a cohort of 30 teachers in rural Northwest Uganda during a one-week professional development course. Multimodality (Kress & Jewitt, 2003; Kress & van Leeuwen, 2001) was employed as a “domain of inquiry” (Kress, 2011) for social semiotics (meaning-making within a social context) within which the participants both represented gender inequality as well as imagined gender equality. Multimodality recognizes the vast communicative potential of the human body and values multiple materials resources (such as images, sounds, and gestures) as “organized sets of semiotic resources for meaningmaking” (Jewitt, 2008, p. 246). Providing individuals with communicative modes other than just spoken and written language offers opportunities to include voices that are often not heard in formal contexts dominated by particular kinds of language, as well as opportunities to consider topics of inquiry from different perspectives and imagine alternative futures (Kendrick & Jones, 2008). Findings from this study show how a multimodal approach to communication, using drawing in addition to spoken and written language, established a democratic space of communication. The sharing and building of knowledge between the participants (educators in local contexts) and facilitator (university instructor/researcher) reflected a foundational tenet of engaged scholarship which requires “…not only communication to  public audiences, but also collaboration with communities in the production of knowledge” (Barker, 2004, p. 126).


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Fadlil Munawwar Manshur ◽  
N. Hani Herlina ◽  
Ahmad Nabil Atoillah

This study seeks to elaborate on the position and function of women in the realm of Islamic education. This study uses the critical review method, a method used to interpret texts critically. The results of the study show that Muslim women in Indonesia are in fact part of Muslim women in other parts of the world. However, Indonesian Muslim women tend to have greater opportunities and chances in facing a bright future of education. Within Islamic education institutions, the viewpoint of women has shifted from a conservative view to a more egalitarian one. The oldest and largest Islamic education institution in Indonesia, namely pondok pesantren, is accustomed in using the terminology of equality and alignment relatives to gender  as their educational discourse. They are not only fluent in discussing the concept of gender equality, the terminology has even become part of the practice of pondok pesantren education.


Author(s):  
Joan W. Scott

This chapter disputes the current claim that secularism guarantees gender equality. It focuses on France and on the ways in which the word secularism (laïcité) was used polemically, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, by anti-clericals who condemned the dangerous association of women and religion and thus denied women the political rights of citizens. In the twenty-first century, the focus remains on women, but now it is Muslim women who are thought to endanger the republic. In this context, a new version of secularism has been articulated, which extends the demand for the neutrality of the state in matters of religion to the enforcement of the neutrality of public space. The changing meanings of laïcité suggest the need always to historicize it, to analyze its polemical operations and its effects in specific historical circumstances. This demonstrates gender equality is not—and has never been—a primary concern of secularism.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document