scholarly journals ISLAM DAN POSFEMINISME : WAJAH POSFEMINISME DALAM KOMODIFIKASI AGAMA DI MEDIA

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
M Ali Sofyan

The relationship between masculine and feminine is collectively constructed. Both narrative and discourse of feminism has long emerged up to the third-wave. As Foucault has been pointed out that feminism itself has constructed discourse on inequality since it departs from patriarchy. Meanwhile, patriarchy has produced a threat even though it is under the pretext of feminism. The term postfeminism is thus arises after feminism, where there are no sources of oppression that originate from patriarchy.In fact, however, the interpretation of religious arguments (Islam in particular) does not subordinate women. But on the contrary, the religious argument actually wants to make women equal to men in the society. This article offers an analysis of the relation between Islam and postfeminism based on the perspective of religious commodification. It was noted that social media played a pivotal role in raising religion to engage on a global scale.Women from the perspective of postfeminism are seen as independent subjects. Freedom, gender equality, and pluralistic representation are the starting points for postfeminist women. Soft Power owned by social media contextualizes religion (Islam) and disseminates ideas including femininity in a new method, where the religious consumption can be enjoyed every second.Indonesian (Muslim) women campaign for gender equality and postfeminism awareness that is free in all things through social media (Instagram and YouTube). This is usually done in various ways such as lectures and fashion. Religious commodification, in this case is seen when religious understanding is capitalized. This perspective finally bringing Muslim women to say that "I am beautiful for myself". Although some argue that capitalizing religion appear to be less precise, when the commodification of religion can support women's freedom.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Tofigh Maboudi ◽  
Ghazal P. Nadi ◽  
Todd A. Eisenstadt

Abstract Since the third wave of democracy, term limits have become a popular fixture of most constitutions intended to constrain the executive. Yet, recent constitutional reforms around the world show that presidents seeking re-election sometimes overturn the entire constitutional order to extend their power. What is the impact of these constitutional manipulations on the longevity of the executive in office? Using survival analysis of all political leaders and national constitutions from 1875 to 2015, this article demonstrates, for the first time, that when ‘authoritarian-aspiring’ presidents remove constitutional term limits, they increase their stay in office by more than 40%. Our findings contrast with a widely held position in the comparative authoritarian literature suggesting that dictators survive longer under institutional constraints. On the contrary, we argue that by removing constitutional barriers, rulers consolidate more power at the expense of their most ambitious allies and can stay in power longer.


Author(s):  
Edward D. Mansfield

This chapter surveys the empirical literature on the effects of foreign trade on political-military conflict. There have been three “waves” of work on this topic since 1980. It is argued that the most recent wave differs from earlier waves in various important respects. First, it has made significant headway in addressing the causal mechanisms underlying the relationship between trade and conflict. Second, this wave has addressed a wider variety of aspects of trade, including trade policy and trade agreements. Third, a variety of recent studies have shed new light on the effects of trade on the outbreak of war, as well as the effects of war on the trade ties of combatants. Finally, the third wave of research on trade and conflict has addressed whether the effects of trade stem from market capitalism more generally and whether a simultaneous relationship exists between trade and conflict.


Hypatia ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rita Alfonso ◽  
Jo Trigilio

As third wave feminist philosophers attending graduate schools in different parts of the country, we decided to use our e-mail discussion as the format for presenting our thinking on the subject of third wave feminism. Our analogue takes us through the subjects of postmodernism, the relationship between theory and practice, the generation gap, and the power relations associated with feminist philosophy as an established part of the academy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (1-3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aman Ullah

ABSTRACT The current study aims to explore and investigate the relationship between the experiences of COVID-19 and health anxiety among people. The study design adopted in this study was cross-sectional and primary data were collected from 500 respondents through a structured questionnaire in District Mardan-Pakistan. Bivariate and Multivariate analyses were carried out for measuring the relationship between “COVID-19” experiences and health anxiety, while cause and effects of the mentioned variables were analysed through a logistic regression model. The findings of the study revealed that the prevalence of health anxiety was found highly significant with the “COVID-19” experience. It has been inferred from the study’s findings that those people who experienced “COVID-19” had symptoms of health anxiety. The prevalence of health anxiety was found highly significant with “COVID-19” among older people. Establishing psychological and rehabilitation centres for sustained recovery of the “COVID-19” affected people, has also been suggested.


Author(s):  
Jennifer A. Bellingtier ◽  
Marcus Mund ◽  
Cornelia Wrzus

AbstractAlthough long postulated, it has been scarcely researched how personality traits play out differently in distinct situations. We examined if Neuroticism and Extraversion, personality traits known to moderate stress processes, function differently in highly stressful situations requiring reduced social contact, that is, the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on past findings, we expected neuroticism to be associated with exacerbated perceptions of stress. In contrast to past findings, we expected extraversion, which usually ameliorates stress, to be associated with intensified perceptions of stress, especially in regard to the sociability facet. During the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Germany, one-hundred-thirty adults (age M = 21.7 years) reported on their personality traits including their facets with the BFI-2, COVID-19-related stressors, and their perceived stress during the last month (using the PSS). Findings indicated that neuroticism was associated with higher perceived stress regardless of the COVID-19-related stressors experienced. Facet level analysis revealed differences for anxiety, depression, and volatility. Importantly, trait extraversion was unassociated with stress experiences, whereas specifically the facet of sociability was associated with higher perceived stress. Also, the facets of assertiveness and energy both moderated the relationship between COVID-19-related stressors and perceived stress. In line with the transactional theory of stress, our findings indicate that perceptions of stress were best understood by looking at the interaction of environmental stressors and personality differences. Furthermore, the study substantiates that facets of personality traits offer unique information beyond broad traits in specific contexts.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
CJ Pascoe ◽  
Sarah Diefendorf

We examine a case of homophobic language online, specifically the deployment of the phrase “no homo,” shorthand for “I’m not a homosexual.” An analysis of 396 instances (comprising 1061 individual tweets) of the use of the phrase “no homo” on the social media platform Twitter suggests that the phrase is a gendered epithet that conveys cultural norms about masculinity. The first finding is that the phrase is used more often by male tweeters than by female tweeters. The second, as predicted by the literature on homophobia, is that the phrase is used in a negative emotional context to convey disapproval for men’s homosexuality or behavior that is not gender normative. The third finding is that the modal use of the phrase “no homo” is in a positive emotional context, accompanying expressions of men’s pleasure, desire, affection, attachment, and friendship. Our analysis suggests that the phrase “no homo” is a gendered one, primarily used by men to facilitate a particularly masculinized construction of positive emotional expression. Our research adds to and complicates findings on the relationship between homophobia and masculinity that suggests that homophobia is an organizing principal of masculinity in western cultures.


Pneuma ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 23-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Bialecki

This essay discusses the relationship between the Vineyard and the various other apostolic networks. By comparing the Vineyard with C. Peter Wagner and the New Apostolic Revival, I contend that the chief difference between these two movements lies in a Vineyard interest in pedagogy over a New Apostolic Revival interest in governance, and in the Vineyard’s use of the figure of John Wimber as an exemplar for practice rather than as a figure of authority.


Author(s):  
Irene Mosca ◽  
Vincent O’Sullivan ◽  
Robert E Wright

Abstract The relationship between maternal employment and the educational attainment of children is examined using data from the third wave of The Irish Longitudinal Study on Ageing. Because maternal employment is potentially endogenous with respect to child educational attainment, instrumental variable estimation is used. In this analysis, two sets of instruments are used based on whether the mother’s employment was affected by the Marriage Bar that was in place at that time in Ireland. A Marriage Bar is the requirement that women in certain jobs must leave that job when they marry. It is found that the probability that a child completes university is 1–3 percentage points lower for each additional year of maternal employment during the first 18 years of the child’s life.


Author(s):  
Stephan Haggard ◽  
Robert R. Kaufman

This chapter explores the relationship between inequality, distributive conflict, and regime change during the Third Wave of democratic transitions (1980–2008). It first provides an overview of the theory and existing quantitative findings on the link between inequality and democratic transitions before discussing the results obtained by using an empirical approach that selects all transitions in the relevant sample period identified in the Polity and CGV datasets. It shows that about half of the transitions analyzed are the result of the mobilized de facto power envisioned by both the sociological and rational choice distributive conflict theories. Cases of democratization driven by distributive conflict constituted only slightly more than half of the universe of transitions during the period, and neither transitions in general nor those driven by distributive conflict were correlated with economic inequality. The emergence of democracy in the advanced industrial states stemmed in part from fundamental changes in class structures.


HISTOREIN ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Raluca Grosescu

<p>This article analyses the role and the limits of transitology in framing transitional justice studies after the collapse of dictatorial regimes in Southern Europe, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It examines the evolution of the scholarship with reference to three main topics that have been pioneered by transitologists and developed further by transitional justice scholars, namely: the connections between justice for past abuses and democratisation; the determinants of transitional justice; and the relationship between accountability and the passage of time. The article argues that while transitology has nurtured important research initiatives in the field of transitional justice, its approaches suffer from serious shortcomings. They remained overly prescriptive and short-term in focus, and they often dehistoricised social phenomena. Adopting a teleological perspective on transitions supposedly bound for democracy, they overlooked comparisons and interconnections between transitional justice processes originating in democratic contexts and those arising from dictatorial settings. Moreover, in their attempt to build general typologies and establish causalities between types of dictatorial regimes, exit modes from authoritarianism and justice mechanisms, transitological approaches often failed to explain the peculiarities of national cases, and likewise paid scant attention to international contexts and transnational interactions.</p>


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