Epilogue

Author(s):  
Edwige Tamalet Talbayev

Drawing on the book’s conclusions, this last section moves beyond the corpus of Maghrebi literature to postulate a possible Mediterranean framework within which it would gain meaning. Could the Mediterranean idioms diversely appropriated in Maghrebi literature be encompassed in a broader form of regional transnationalism? The epilogue attempts to reveal the political cut of the Mediterranean concept, arguing for its relevance to the theorization of historical agency in the postcolonial era.

Author(s):  
Edwige Tamalet Talbayev

This chapter explores the multiple and conflicting reappropriations of al-Andalus—as both historical moment and mythopoetic trope of coexistence. Assessing Abdelkébir Khatibi’s hypothesis of an Arab “traumatic chiasmus” that followed the Spanish Reconquista, it argues that this entwined yet symmetrical bond is colored by reflective nostalgia (Boym) for an imagined transnational, transconfessional, and multilingual community. In light of Juan Goytisolo’s “Andalusian legacy,” it examines cultural and literary representations of al-Andalus produced in Spain and the Arab world as a product of historical truncation and traumatic memorialization. Khatibi’s restoration of contemporary Spain to the Arab imaginary appropriates the Andalusian past to rethink Morocco’s claim to historical agency beyond French and Spanish colonialisms. In contrast, Nabile Farès’ dystopian “virtual” Andalusia (Deleuze) gives in to the influence of politically unconvincing nostalgia. The chapter ends by revealing how Jewish-Tunisian writer Colette Fellous appropriates Andalusian convivencia to engage Jewish-Muslim relations in Tunisia and current debates about Mediterranean history. Willfully deserting the political arena, Farès and Fellous embody a fundamental sense of belatedness that casts the Mediterranean as a mythical refuge averse to historical realization. They offer a powerful counterpoint to the kind of allegorization performed by Kateb at the apex of nationalism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-148
Author(s):  
Nicoletta Varani ◽  
Enrico Bernardini

Abstract Tourism remains a very vulnerable sector and sensitive to both internal and external impacts, such as economic and social crises, natural disasters, epidemics and diseases, national and international conflicts. Among these, the most alarming threat in the 21st century remains terrorism. In this sense, this paper aims to study the effects of the increasingly frequent terrorist attacks by the extremist factions of Al-Qaeda and ISIL on the tourism industry in the Mediterranean Region. The contribution, after having discussed in general the tourism market in the Mediterranean Region, intends to highlight the impacts and repercussions of the terrorist attacks on tourism, presenting the example of Egypt and one of its best-known tourist destinations, Sharm el-Sheikh. In this sense, it is shown how, in a few years, the political instability of the country and the attacks of 2005 and 2016 have significantly reduced the influx of tourists, transforming it from one of the most visited destinations in the world in a place of increasing abandonment.


Author(s):  
Michel Petit

- The limited economic stakes involved in the current agricultural trade discussions and negotiations in the Mediterranean region hardly justify the political sensitivities they generate. As a result, agricultural trade conflicts lead to misconceptions, frustrations and taboos, which stand in the way of fuller agricultural collaboration between North and South in the region. This hampers common efforts in such domains as rural development, agricultural research and higher education as well as the efforts of the private sector, which could address important issues and yield high pay offs.EconLit Classification: F590, Q170Keywords: International Relations, Agriculture in International TradeParole chiave: Relazioni internazionali, Commercio internazionale agricolo


Author(s):  
Andrew W. Devereux

This chapter examines Spanish, as well as Christian and Islamic, thought on “universal empire.” It analyzes the thinking on universal empire as a form of political organization that developed as a result of the protracted dialogue of competing claims by fellow Christian and Islamic polities. It also addresses Portuguese, French, and Ottoman iterations of universalist claims as the expression of a utopian ideal of religiopolitical organization. The chapter covers the political ideology of the wide variety of literature that situated the Mediterranean at the center of a drama where a universal Christian order would be instated. It also focuses on the Castilian conquest of Granada and the acquisition of numerous presidios and cities along the coast of the Maghrib, where King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella deployed a variety of propaganda that successfully disseminated the image of the monarchs operating in this capacity.


Author(s):  
Edwige Tamalet Talbayev

Critically engaging the concept of the Mediterranean as a “liquid continent” (Gabriel Audisio), the book argues in favor of a “transcontinental” heuristic model that rests on the transmaritime deployment of the Maghreb within the millennia-old relation that has materially and culturally bound it to multiple Mediterranean sites. Studying a Mediterranean-inspired body of texts from Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Gibraltar in French, Arabic, and Spanish, the book delivers provocative analyses that complicate the dichotomy between nation and Mediterranean, the valence of the postcolonial topos of nomadism in the face of postcolonial trauma, and conceptions of the Mediterranean as a mythical site averse to historical realization. The book substitutes a trans-Mediterranean reading of Kateb Yacine’s Nedjma as allegory of the Maghreb’s long-standing plurality for Albert Camus’ colonialist Mediterranean utopia. Through this adjusted Mediterranean genealogy, it reveals the intersection of these Mediterranean imaginaries with Maghrebi claims to an inclusive, democratic national ideal yet to be realized. Attuned to both the perpetual fluctuation of the Mediterranean as method and the political imperatives specific to the postcolonial Maghreb, the transcontinental reveals the limits of models of hybridity and nomadism oblivious to material realities. Through a sustained reflection on the potential and limitations of allegory and critical melancholia, the book shows how the Mediterranean successfully decenters postcolonial nation-building projects and mediates the nomadic subject’s reinsertion into a revised national collective respectful of heterogeneity. These far-reaching adjustments to our readings of the Maghreb and the Mediterranean help us rethink not just the space of the sea, the hybridity it produced, and the way it shaped historical dynamics (globalization, imperialism, decolonization, and nationalism) but also the very nature of postcolonial histories and identities along its shores.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luiza Bialasiewicz ◽  
Paolo Giaccaria ◽  
Alun Jones ◽  
Claudio Minca

This article engages with the most recent spatial fantasy for the making of ‘EU’ropean space: the idea of trans-European macro-regions, currently in vogue in the policy literature. In particular, we focus on the imaginings of a Mediterranean macro-region as the latest incarnation of the macro-regional fad, but also as a useful prism for reflecting on some of the underlying conceptual as well as political and geopolitical challenges of the on-going remaking and rescaling of ‘EU’ropean space. We argue that, although there exists by now a vast literature by geographers and other scholars that engages with the production of ‘EU’ropean spaces through regionalization, the policy literature generated by EU ‘macro-regional experts’ appears to entirely ignore these debates, professing an understanding of regions that is a conceptual pastiche at best, and that entirely occludes the political and geopolitical implications of region-making within, at, and beyond ‘EU’rope’s borders


1948 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Chayyim Youtie

Among the Graeco-Oriental cults that shared the loyalties of the Mediterranean peoples during the first four centuries of our era, the religion of Sarapis occupied a commanding position. Throughout his career Sarapis was a worker of miracles, but no miracle of his doing ever equalled in historical significance the political thaumaturgy by which he was brought to life. A composite figure created in the last years of the fourth century B.C. by the first Ptolemy, for the purpose of binding together the divergent ethnic elements of Egypt, he was the Greek Pluto imposed on Apis, the Egyptian bull-god of Memphis, who became at death another Osiris, and specifically Osiris-Apis. The identification was of the usual syncretistic type, since Pluto and Osiris were both gods of the dead. As a newcomer Sarapis underwent a long probation at the side of Osiris and Isis, and although with characteristic inconsequence Sarapis never wholly supplanted Osiris, by the second century A.D. he had become, together with Isis, the most beloved figure of the native pantheon, while outside Egypt he was receiving the reverent attention of Greeks of the rank of Plutarch and Aristides. In great measure, the prestige of his magnificent temple at Alexandria and the unceasing flow of propaganda literature account for his eminence at this time. His greatest glory, however, was still to come. In the fourth century, when the approaching victory of the Christian cult threatened all pagan beliefs with extermination, Sarapis took on the rôle of a universal solar deity.


2010 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 309-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL A. GORDON

AbstractThis article argues that Gerd-Rainer Horn's model of a ‘Mediterranean New Left’ encompassing both the French Parti socialiste unifié (PSU, 1960–1990) and the Italian Partito socialista italiano di unità proletaria (PSIUP, 1964–1972) needs to be significantly revised. It agrees that, half a century on from the events which gave rise to their foundation, this much misunderstood part of the political spectrum, midway between social democracy and the far left, is worthy of rescue from the ‘enormous condescension of posterity’, but questions how similar the two parties actually were. Major differences emerge, especially in the nature of each party's relationship with communism, with the philosovietism of the PSIUP contrasting with the PSU's evolution towards an anti-Leninist decentralist socialism of self-management. Yet, at the same time, important new evidence is uncovered about the concrete political and personal links that developed between leading intellectuals of the PSIUP and PSU, an example being the friendship of the Italian parliamentarian and theorist Lelio Basso with the journalist Gilles Martinet, later French ambassador to Italy. Other transnational links, both across the Mediterranean and to eastern Europe, are explored. Furthermore, the location of the roots of both parties in the 1940s generation of anti-fascist resistance calls into question prevailing assumptions equating the New Left with the youth of the 1960s, with wider implications for our understanding of the development of the European left across the twentieth century.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (XXII) ◽  
pp. 33-46
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Kaźmierczyk

The article displays the image of Russia through the eyes of Wat in reference to the mental Russia of Miłosz. It discusses the similarities and differences of both of the views. It indicates the affinities in experiencing the communist Russia by Avant-garde poets – futurists and poets affiliated to “Żagary” magazine. The author proves that Wat’s narration in My Century organizes the dualism of the declining West and the revolutionary East. The article’s author reveals the mistake of mixing the negative data of existence with the political reality. He indicates that this contamination resulted in Wat’s idiosyncrasy towards the Mediterranean culture and expectation for its destruction by the communist revolution. He emphasizes the dual relict nature of revolutionary eschatology. The article shows the reasons for Wat’s ideological enslavement and process of liberating from the influence of communist utopia in the reality of imprisoning Wat and exiling him deep into the empire.


1970 ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University

The editor of this book. Monique Gadant, a lecturer at the University of Paris, a researcher at the National Center for Scientific Research, in charge of CNRSCRESM programme on Women, Time and Money. She has published many articles on the political and cultural life of Algeria in "Les Temps Modernes" and "Peuples Mediterraneens.' ,


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