A. PERAN POLITICAL WILL DAN ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE PERUSAHAAN BESI DAN BAJA

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ayu Oka Ariyani ◽  
Anton H Nugroho

     Political  will dan organizational culture pada perusahaan besi baja di Indonesia  dalam menghadapi persaingan manufaktur merupakan titik lemah di Indonesia. Berdasarkan penelitan sebelumnya bahwa kemauan politik dari pemerintah dan organizational culture partisipasi pemerintah dari negara lain dalam memberikan kebijakan mengangkat perusahaan manufaktur terutama besi baja memang tidak tangung-tangung tidak seperti di Indonesia saat ini.Komitmen dari penguasa sering diistilahkan dengan political will pemerintah untuk  kemauan politiknya dalam suatu kebijakan untuk mendukung maupun mendorong industry agar mampu memenuhi kebutuhaanya dari aspek inisiatif pemerintah, proritas dengan kajian-kajian, mobilisasi dukungan politik, penegakan hokum, serta konsistensinya dalam memberikan kebijakannya, baik pada perusahaan BUMN maupun BUMS yang berada di Indonesia. Sebenarnya perusahaan baja/besi nasional telah dirintis oleh pemerintah sejak tahun 1970 dan perusahaan-perusahaan tersebut selalu mengembangkan produksinya untuk memenuhi berbagai keperluan disaat regulasi internasional seperti persaigan global produk baja/besi di Indonesia namun kenyataannya hingga kini belum mampu bersaing dari Negara seperti China, Korea, Jepang dan India, dapat dianalisa bahwa peran dan keterlibatan  pemerintah tidak begitu kuat serta kurang aktif dalam mendukung kebijakan tersebut. Ketika membandingkan dengan kebijakan Negara China misalnya dalam pelaksanaan  political will unyuk mendukung industry manufaktur, melalui political will dari kepemimpinan Deng Xiao Ping, China dapat melakukan berbagai tranformasi terutama transfer teknologi dengan konsep open door policy. Adanya  investasi yang masuk, maka terjadi transfer teknologi yang membuat China mampu menjadi Negara yang mandiri yang selanjutkan proses industrialisasi dapat dijalankan tanpa bantuan dari Negara lain dalam memenuhi kebutuhannya bahkan saat ini pengimpor terbesar masuk ke Indonesia.                Begitu juga dari aspek organizational culture yang  dianalisa dan dideskripsikan pada aspek-aspek perubahan nilai, sikap agresive, perilaku dan persepsi, inovasi dan berani beresiko, tehnik dan proses mencapai hasil serta tim work jika dibandingkan dengan Negara-negara seperti China, Korea, Jepang dan India masih jauh dari harapan itu kekuatan dari Negara-negara tersebut sehingga nilai produktivitasnya sangat memuaskan sehingga mampu dalam bersaing. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk memetakan ketidak mampuan daya saing terutama pada harga penjualan dan kuantitas produk pada perusahaan manukfaktur industry besi baja dampak dari kebijakan political will serta organizational culture di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif eksploratif dengan melakukan survey, observasi, wawancara serta dokumen/data kebeberapa perusahaan besi baja yang tergabung pada IISIA(The Indonesian Iron & Steel Association) di Indonesia yang berkaitan dengan penelitian tersebut. Hasil yang didapatkan memiliki ketidak mampuan bersaing terutama pada  harga produk serta produktivitas perusahaan belum optimal dalam memanfaatkan sumberdaya yang dimilikinya, rendahnya kompetitif  akibat dampak dari; (1) kemauan politik pemerintah daerah  maupun pusat yang berbeda; (2) paket kebijakan tak mampu membuat perijinan jadi lebih mudah atau bertele-tele; (3) biaya pelabuhan terhadap barang import; (4) bunga perbankan bagi perusahaan manufaktur yang diatas 12% dan ;(5) Insentif yang seharusnya digulirkan pemerintah juga tidak bertambah ; (6) Kurangnya stimulus pada iklim investasi industry bbesi baja di Indonesia dan (6) dwilling time yang hingga saat ini belum bisa dibawa 5 hari,  hal ini pemerintah perlu mengkaji lagi mengenai kebijakan political will serta menumbuhkan semangat dalam organizational culture yang dapat memberikan nilai tambah sebagai wujud kepedulian terhadap industry manufaktur  untuk mendongkrak pertumbuhan industry besi baja di Indonesia.

2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 169-190
Author(s):  
Jarosław Stróżyk

NATO declares open door policy towards aspiring countries since 90s. States from South Caucasus region took the effort to adjust its defense and security systems to NAO standards. To become a fully-fledged NATO members the main obstacle remains the lack of political will to extend NATO commitment to collective defense. Additionally self-imposed limitations of some NATO members stemming form 1997 NATO-Russia Founding Act plays a vital role. It’s hard to assume that new Strategic Concept will grant an automatic membership to any of NATO partner countries. Georgia, Armenia nor Azerbaijan have been seriously considered as NATO member states. The door are barely open.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 209-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Togral Koca

Turkey has followed an “open door” policy towards refugees from Syria since the March 2011 outbreak of the devastating civil war in Syria. This “liberal” policy has been accompanied by a “humanitarian discourse” regarding the admission and accommodation of the refugees. In such a context, it is widely claimed that Turkey has not adopted a securitization strategy in its dealings with the refugees. However, this article argues that the stated “open door” approach and its limitations have gone largely unexamined. The assertion is, here, refugees fleeing Syria have been integrated into a security framework embedding exclusionary, militarized and technologized border practices. Drawing on the critical border studies, the article deconstructs these practices and the way they are violating the principle of non-refoulement in particular and human rights of refugees in general. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-226
Author(s):  
Soner Tauscher

Avrupa ülkelerinin alışık olduğu düzenli işçi göçü ve kontrollü sığınmacı alımı Suriye iç savaşının üst düzeye ulaştığı 2013/2014 yılından itibaren önemli bir değişim göstermektedir. Avrupa Birliği, kuruluşundan bu yana en yoğun mülteci göçüyle karşılaşmaktadır. Yaşanan bu kontrolsüz ve zorunlu göçe Avrupa toplumları ve devletleri hazırlıksız yakalanmıştır. Mülteci krizini ekonomik olarak fırsata çevirmek isteyen Almanya ise göçmenler için 2015 yazından itibaren açık kapı politikası uygulamaya başlamıştır. Ancak uygulanan açık kapı politikası Alman toplumunun azımsanmayacak bir kesiminde mültecilere ve Müslümanlara yönelik ağır ve şiddetli bir karşı kampanya ortaya çıkardı. Mülteciler ve Müslümanlar aşırı sağ toplumsal hareketlerin gösterilerinde “tecavüzcü”, “işgalci”, “kriminal dolandırıcılar” vb. sıfatlar ile birlikte anılmakta, medya da bu söylemlerin taşıyıcılığını yaparak kamusallaşmasını sağlamaktadır. Böylece aşırı sağı desteklemeyen, apolitik, ya da sığınmacılara karşı hoşgörülü davranan toplum kesimlerinde kamuoyu oluşturularak sığınmacı ve göçmenlere karşı olumsuz algı gündemde tutulmakta, politik olanın merkezine yerleştirilmektedir. Bu çalışmada öncelikle göçmenlere karşı aşırı sağ toplumsal hareketlerin oluşturduğu olumsuz söylemin McCombs ve Shaw’un Gündem Belirleme Kuramı (Agenda Setting Function) bağlamında medya tarafından siyasetin merkezine nasıl oturtulduğu tartışılacaktır. Ayrıca gündemde tutulan mültecilere yönelik olumsuz söylemin gerçeği yansıtıp yansıtmadığı, göçmenlerin ve sığınmacıların biyolojik Almanlardan daha çok suça meyilli olup olmadığı oluşturulan soyut söylemlerden ziyade Almanya İçişleri Bakanlığı’nın yıllık olarak yayınladığı Emniyet Suç İstatistikleri temel alınarak incelenecektir.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHFar right movements in Germany and evaluation of media discourse of criminal immigrant in the light of official documentsFlows of regular worker migration and regular asylum seekers, of whom European countries are familiar, have significantly changed since 2013/2014 when the civil war of Syria reached its peak. The European Union face probably the most intensive refugee migration since its establishment. European societies and states have not been prepared for this uncontrolled and compulsory immigration. Germany seem to want to turn the refugee crisis into an economic opportunity as evident in their open door policy since the summer of 2015. However, implementation of open-door policy has led a substantial part of German society to a strong campaign against the refugees and Muslims. Refugees and Muslims are referred to as “rapists”, “invaders”, “criminal fraudsters”, and so on in demonstrations of far right movements and media has helped disseminating these discourses. Hence, this manipulated and hateful discourse tries to gain support from the segment of society wh normally does not support far right and often apolitical, or tolerant towards asylum seekers. In this study, the ways in which the negative discourse of far right social movements against immigrants is brought to the centre of the political agenda by media is analysed using the agenda setting framework by McCombs and Shaw. Then, the claims that immigrants are involved in crime, or they are prone to be criminals are analysed and contrasted with the data obtained from the annual Crime and Safety Reports of the German Ministry of the Interior.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Pour Rohani ◽  
Sima Pour Rohani

Presence of Afghans in Iran has been critical issue for Iranian government. During the Open Door Policy of Iran, huge population of Afghans entered Iran without official monitoring. They have married and got children. Many of these marriages are not officially registered in Iran nor in Afghanistan. Therefore, Iran has faced many illegitimate marriages and children. This paper is to explain the reasons of Afghan entrance to Iran, their situation in Iran and the consequences of their presence for Iranian government. The main goal of the article is to demonstrate how critical the problem is if it is not dealt with as soon as possible.


1952 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 417
Author(s):  
A. J. Youngson Brown ◽  
Charles S. Campbell

1973 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol E. Bradshaw

1985 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toyin Falola

The view that Ibadan society in the nineteenth century did not discriminate against strangers, irrespective of their origins in Yorubaland, is now firmly entrenched in the literature. To be sure, Ibadan, a new nineteenth-century Yoruba city-state, founded as a consequence of the political crises of the early decades of the century, did maintain an ‘open door’ policy to strangers, many of whom went there as adventurers, craftsmen and traders, hoping to acquire wealth and fame. This article, however, controverts the view that Ibadan society gave the strangers and the indigenes equal opportunities to wealth and power. It argues that all the key political offices went only to the Oyo-Ibadan group which dominated the city-state. Strangers were also not allowed to participate fully in the leading heights of the economy, with the result that most of the wealthy citizens were also of Oyo-Yoruba origin.In the 1890s discrimination against strangers was such that a number of moves were made to expel them. However, the British, who imposed colonial rule on Ibadan in 1893, were against the expulsion of strangers.


1981 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 122-129
Author(s):  
Merle E. Ace

Although managers are often concerned about their use of time to get more done, there are even more compelling reasons for the effective use of time. Time is important from the perspectives of health, of employee work performance, and of new products. Managers waste time in many ways, including the confusion of activity with results, lack of planning, doing it yourself, misusing an open-door policy, and use of managerial shortcuts. If people want to make better use of their time, they must first admit that most of their time management problems are of their own making. These 'internal' time wasters include failure to set goals and priorities, the tendency to procrastinate, and lack of proper delegation. External time wasters, caused by outside forces, include meetings, the telephone, and interruptions. It is difficult for people to accurately assess their use of time, however, and to pinpoint their time management problems. A time log is suggested as an objective means of doing so. Excessive use of a managerial style can lead to time traps. Successful time management is successful self-management, and that means the exercise of self-discipline.Bestuurders is dikwels oor hul tydbesteding besorg in 'n poging om meer gedaan te kry, maar daar is selfs belangriker redes wat die doeltreffende benutting van tyd noodsaak. Tyd is belangrik gesien vanuit die oogpunte van gesondheid, werkverrigting deur werknemers en nuwe produkte. Bestuurders mors op baie maniere tyd, byvoorbeeld weens verwarring tussen aktiwiteit en resultate, gebrek aan beplanning, alles-self-doen, misbruik van 'n oop-deur beleid en gebruik van bestuurskortpaaie. As bestuurders hulle tyd beter wil benut, moet hulle eers erken dat hulle die meeste van hulle tydbestuursprobleme self veroorsaak. Hierdie 'interne' tydmorsers sluit o.a. 'n gebrek aan bepaling van doelwitte en prioriteite, die neiging om uit te stel en gebrek aan behoorlike delegering in. Eksterne tydmorsers wat deur buitefaktore veroorsaak word, sluit vergaderings, die telefoon en onderbrekings in. Mense vind dit egter moeilik om hulle gebruik van tyd akkuraat te beoordeel en om hul eie tydbestuursprobleme vas te stel. 'n Tydbestedingskaart word voorgestel as 'n objektiewe manier om dit te doen. Oormatige gebruik van 'n bestuurstyl kan lei tot tydslaggate. Suksesvolle tydsbestuur is suksesvolle selfbestuur, en dit beteken die beoefening van selfdissipline.


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric J. Wailes ◽  
Cheng Fang ◽  
Francis C. Tuan

AbstractChina's agricultural trade expanded rapidly following economic reforms and the open-door policy adopted in the late 1970s. The composition of agricultural trade with China follows its labor-abundant and land-scarce resource endowment with imports of bulk and processed intermediates and exports of consumer-ready and processed goods. Constraints on U.S.China agricultural trade include tariffs, state trading, food security policies, and other nontariff barriers. Growth potential is based on China's fundamental demand forces including the world's largest population, a high real-income growth rate, an emerging urban middle class, and further trade reforms to be implemented through accession to the World Trade Organization.


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