From Hospitality to Hostility: Ibadan and Strangers, 1830–1904

1985 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toyin Falola
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Open Door ◽  
Equal Opportunities ◽  
Open Door Policy ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
City State ◽  
The City

The view that Ibadan society in the nineteenth century did not discriminate against strangers, irrespective of their origins in Yorubaland, is now firmly entrenched in the literature. To be sure, Ibadan, a new nineteenth-century Yoruba city-state, founded as a consequence of the political crises of the early decades of the century, did maintain an ‘open door’ policy to strangers, many of whom went there as adventurers, craftsmen and traders, hoping to acquire wealth and fame. This article, however, controverts the view that Ibadan society gave the strangers and the indigenes equal opportunities to wealth and power. It argues that all the key political offices went only to the Oyo-Ibadan group which dominated the city-state. Strangers were also not allowed to participate fully in the leading heights of the economy, with the result that most of the wealthy citizens were also of Oyo-Yoruba origin.In the 1890s discrimination against strangers was such that a number of moves were made to expel them. However, the British, who imposed colonial rule on Ibadan in 1893, were against the expulsion of strangers.

scholarly journals The Most Serene Republic of Venice. The Republican Venetian court in the 15th and 16th century

2015 ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Hannes Chronst ◽  
Lisa-Marie Gabriel
Keyword(s):  
16Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Courtly Culture ◽  
The Republic ◽  
City State ◽  
The City

The following proseminar-paper works on the question whether there was a monarchic court and an equivalent courtly culture in Renaissance Venice despite its Republican constitution. The seafaring nation disposed of several aristocratic institutions which dealt with the political everyday business of the Republic, but strikingly the doge still appeared as an official leader. In this context, the following analysis focuses on the geostrategic and historical conditions, the economics of the city state as well as the Venetian constitution and the representational function of the doge and his wife, the dogaressa, in a plurality of cultural ceremonial acts in order to depict the evolution of the Most Serene Republic of Venice of the 15th and 16th century.

The Chakri Dynasty’s “Open Door” Policy in Nineteenth Century: The Background of International Intergration Of the Modern Thailand

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 400
Author(s):  
Dang Van Chuong
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
International Community ◽  
Open Door ◽  
Open Door Policy ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy

<p>In order to protect Thailand’s independence and sovereignty under the strong pressures of the western powerful nations, Kings of the early Chakri dynasty had the determination to conduct a change from “close door” policy to “open door” policy. It was conducted under the reigns of King Rama IV and Rama V in the middle of nineteenth century. This was not only a new policy but it also became its pioneer in Asia. This “open door” policy was not only to protect Thailand’s independence but also to develop its economy and society. On the basis of economy and society reforms, Thailand government had implemented the reforms on the politics:  turning absolute monarchy into constitutional monarchy. All this helped Thailand to hold a new position in the international relations. Thailand became a nation which had equal position with other nations. It allowed Thailand to integrate with international community, and became a nation which had the first position in the Southeast Asia in the first half of the twentieth.</p><p> </p><p>Keywords: <em>“Open door” policy, “Close door” policy, Chakri dynasty, Independence, reform, diplomat, Thailand</em><em></em></p>

Extraterritoriality in Bangkok in the Reign of King Chulalongkorn, 1868–1910: The Cacophonies of Semi-Colonial Cosmopolitanism

Itinerario ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hong Lysa
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Political History ◽  
Asian Country ◽  
Open Door ◽  
Southeast Asian Country ◽  
Spiritual Power ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Open Door Policy ◽  
The Face

The uniqueness of Siam in being the only independent Southeast Asian country in the age of nineteenth-century colonialism is a mantra that persists largely to this day. It held that it was the calibre of the Siamese monarchs in particular King Chulalongkorn (1868–1910), the fifth reign of the present regnant dynasty, which saved the country from succumbing to the powerful and predatory west. By continuing his father King Mongkut's (1851–1868) foresight in adopting an open door policy by signing the Bowring Treaty (1855) and reforming the country's administration in conformity to their model of government, the king gained the recognition by the Europeans of Siam as a civilised country. As a tribute to the king's greatness, in particular for his benevolent rule and pivotal reforms, the ‘colloquial, affectionate, yet awesome’ title ‘Lord of Life’ (chao chiwit) was used by his subjects especially around this period, according to the royal family historian writing in 1960 who was a grandson of King Chulalongkorn. In 2003, another direct descendant of the king wrote that it was no less the ‘Lord of Life, Lord of the Realm, the fountain and embodiment of moral and spiritual power itself who recognised that survival in the face of colonialism necessitated engagement in diplomacy and internal reforms. By dint of such enlightened measures, the Siamese polity was transformed and strengthened. in political history, the emphasis has been on the efficiency and good governance made possible by the modernising administrative system.

The Tribe Versus the City-State: An Architectural Conundrum for the Jewish Project

Images ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-165
Author(s):  
Stanley Tigerman
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Melting Pot ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
City State ◽  
The City ◽  
Over Time

Abstract“The Tribe versus the City-State” challenges the convention that suggests that the latter is preferable to the former. Throughout millennia the Jews struggled with tribalism, initially by building the First Temple as a means to coalesce tribal differences. Nonetheless, tribalism was used as a rationale to castigate Jews because it reinforced their being discrete from other, more homogenized populations. Over time, the City-State replaced tribalism because of its purported value as a melting pot that further coalesced differences into a more manageable whole. For the Jews however, the City-State exacerbated anti-Semitism in late Nineteenth Century Eastern European pogroms culminating in the Twentieth Century's holocaust. This paper addresses the architectural manifestations of these very different ways of aggregating populations. The Illinois Holocaust Museum project is presented as an example of building for the Jewish project in the context of temporality.

Skirts Rolled Up

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-83
Author(s):  
Anne Eller
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Great Influence ◽  
Working Women ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Gendered Violence ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City ◽  
Political Scene

This essay considers the participation of Port-au-Prince women in municipal and national politics during the later decades of the nineteenth century. The growth of Port-au-Prince changed the dynamics of these contests, as newly arrived women joined expanding popular neighborhoods, and many assumed a central role in feeding the city. Women moved freely through the heart of the capital and the immediate countryside on personal, commercial, and sometimes directly political itineraries. While formally excluded from electoral politics, working women made their political desires well known, as they exerted an influence on the military movements that toppled the administration several times. These armed contests, as well as the stratification and militarization of the political scene during peacetime, provoked gendered violence. Simultaneously, working women confronted disdain from journalists who would discipline the women’s great influence. Nevertheless, these women commanded considerable respect in political contests that often seemed to have as their stakes the very independence of the nation itself.

Slamming the ‘Open Door’: British Protectionist Fiscal Policy in Inter-War Nigeria

Itinerario ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayodeji Olukoju
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Open Door ◽  
Open Door Policy ◽  
British Imperialism ◽  
Fiscal System ◽  
British Colonies ◽  
Proper Context

Until recently, when it ceased to be an important pastime, scholars engaged in debate over the motives behind, and the nature of, European imperial enterprise in the colonial territories of Africa. Opinion was divided between those who stressed the altruistic goals and the positive impact of the European ‘civilising’ mission in Africa and others who highlighted the ulterior motives behind, and the uncomplimentary features of, colonial rule. One issue in contention as far as British imperialism was concerned, was the policy of ‘free trade’ in the colonies. It was held by some that Britain operated the ‘imperialism of Free Trade’, that is, it hid under the espousal of that policy in order to acquire colonies and to gain advantage over its rivals in the contest for colonial trade. On the other hand, much was made of Britain's ‘open door’ policy in its colonies as contrasted with the French, for example, who were for the most part protectionists. Yet, as a number of studies have shown, the British were no less protectionist given certain circumstances, and this case study provides further examples of this tendency in inter-war Nigeria. To place the discussion in a proper context, we shall clarify the nature of the fiscal system in British colonies, for this was the linchpin of the administration and the key to understanding economic policy.

scholarly journals Ancient Greek and Byzantine Political Ethics

2018 ◽  
pp. 249-258
Author(s):  
Michail Mantzanas
Keyword(s):  
Political Community ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ethics ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
Political Morality ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The City

The political morality that Plato and Aristotle supported was governed by various anthropological and social determinants, which means that they focused on man understood as a citizen and interpreted through the dialectic as well as through the prospects of the city’s happiness, since for both of them man was a social animal. The political ethics of Plato and Aristotle does not endanger the political community with political bankruptcy. This political morality does not start from intransigent principles to reach a compromise that has already been surpassed by the previous negative dynamics. The Byzantine political morality oscillates between the individual and the totality. It is not governed by individualism but rather by communitarianism, which entails that it confirms the dynamics of unity within the city. The Byzantine political morals is imbued with an anticipation of the political crisis, it seeks to identify any negative developments and strives to avoid the political marginalization of the citizens who are likely to rebel against any autocratic government. The Byzantine political morality is, thus, not an idle and selfish political introversion, concerned merely with political crises, conflict scenarios and conspiracy theories, as it strives to come up with various solutions that should guarantee political balance.

scholarly journals THE MEDIEVAL ISLAMIC COMMENTARY ON PLATO’S REPUBLIC: IBN RUSHD’S PERSPECTIVE ON THE POSITION AND POTENTIAL OF WOMEN

Islamology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Tineke Melkebeek
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Scholarly Literature ◽  
Arabic Translation ◽  
Ibn Rushd ◽  
The Republic ◽  
City State ◽  
The City

This paper investigates the twelfth-century commentary on Plato’s Republic by the Andalusian Muslim philosopher Ibn Rushd (Averroes). Ibn Rushd is considered to be the only Muslim philosopher who commented on the Republic. Written around 375 BC, Plato’s Republic discusses the order and character of a just city-state and contains revolutionary ideas on the position and qualities of women, which remained contested also in Ibn Rushd’s time. This Muslim philosopher is primarily known as the most esteemed commentator of Aristotle. However, for the lack of an Arabic translation of Aristotle’s Politics, Ibn Rushd commented on the political theory of Aristotle’s teacher, i.e. Plato’s Republic, instead. In his commentary, Ibn Rushd juxtaposes examples from Plato’s context and those from contemporary Muslim societies. Notably, when he diverges from the text, he does not drift off toward more patriarchal, Aristotelian interpretations. On the contrary, he argues that women are capable of being rulers and philosophers, that their true competencies remain unknown as long as they are deprived of education, and that this situation is detrimental to the flourishing of the city. This article aims to critically analyse Ibn Rushd’s statements on the position of women, as well as their reception in scholarly literature. 

Water for Europe: The Creation of the European Water Framework Directive

2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Kaika
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Water Supply ◽  
Political Ecology ◽  
Water Resource Management ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Engineering Problem ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The One ◽  
The City

When the French politician Clemenceau visited Athens in 1899, he was taken on a tour of the city and briefed on the social, political, and economic problems facing both the city and the young Greek state. Afterwards, he addressed the local political and intellectual elites, starting his speech by exclaiming: ‘The best politician amongst you shall be the one who will bring water into Athens’ (Clemenceau 1899, cited in Gerontas and Skouzes 1963: in). Indeed, water supply was one of the most important and intricate political and social issues of the nineteenth century. Although water supply and management is today often presented as a purely technological and engineering problem, it remains, as we shall see, a deeply political issue, implicated in relations of social power (Reisner 1990; Postel 1992). Indeed, today, more than a century onwards from Clemenceau’s comment, his aphorism still holds true. Despite the fact that Western economies have undergone a period of ‘fierce modernization’ during the twentieth century, and despite technological advances and innovation, water supply and management remain major socio-technical issues at the heart of the political agenda (Bank 1992). Whilst contemporary Europe is not faced with severe water shortages (although many areas, particularly but not exclusively in the European South still face disruptions in water supply during dry months (ETC/IW 1996; ICWS 1996)), water supply and management remain amongst the most important political issues at the European and international level (Hundley 1992; Faure and Rubin 1993; Gleick 1993). Today, if anything, the political ecology of water has become more complex, and more important politically than in the nineteenth century. With the increasing internationalization and complexity of water resource management, with the emergence of an increasingly larger number of actors and institutions involved in this process, with the newly vested economic interests in water supply, and with the increasing concern and sensitivity towards environmental protection, if Clemenceau were alive today, he would probably maintain his aphorism— rephrasing it for the contemporary era: ‘The best politician amongst you shall be the one who will bring clean water into Europe, while keeping happy all the parties involved in water supply, use, and management, at the local, regional, national, and European level.’

Religion and Enlightenment

2019 ◽  
pp. 47-64
Author(s):  
Richard Whatmore
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Public Good ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The City

This chapter explains why a group of republicans calling themselves democrats sought sanctuary in Ireland. It revisits the crisis at Geneva, which came to a head in 1782. Many were shocked at events within the city, because, as John Calvin's adopted home and a centre of enlightened learning, civil war was not supposed to break out. Yet between the 1750s and the 1780s republicans at Geneva began to be branded as democrats, certain citizens were labelled anarchists, and the magistrates were increasingly attacked as tyrants, running the state with their own interests to the fore, rather than the public good. This was certainly a new departure. During the political crises of the first decade of the century, and during those of the 1730s, political abuse had been commonplace, with accusations of treachery and corruption abounding. The extremist language that developed, clearly in evidence by the mid-1760s, was a return to the kinds of polarity that marked the era of the Reformation.

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