scholarly journals Współpraca wojskowa NATO z państwami Kaukazu od 1991 roku

2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 169-190
Author(s):  
Jarosław Stróżyk

NATO declares open door policy towards aspiring countries since 90s. States from South Caucasus region took the effort to adjust its defense and security systems to NAO standards. To become a fully-fledged NATO members the main obstacle remains the lack of political will to extend NATO commitment to collective defense. Additionally self-imposed limitations of some NATO members stemming form 1997 NATO-Russia Founding Act plays a vital role. It’s hard to assume that new Strategic Concept will grant an automatic membership to any of NATO partner countries. Georgia, Armenia nor Azerbaijan have been seriously considered as NATO member states. The door are barely open.

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ayu Oka Ariyani ◽  
Anton H Nugroho

     Political  will dan organizational culture pada perusahaan besi baja di Indonesia  dalam menghadapi persaingan manufaktur merupakan titik lemah di Indonesia. Berdasarkan penelitan sebelumnya bahwa kemauan politik dari pemerintah dan organizational culture partisipasi pemerintah dari negara lain dalam memberikan kebijakan mengangkat perusahaan manufaktur terutama besi baja memang tidak tangung-tangung tidak seperti di Indonesia saat ini.Komitmen dari penguasa sering diistilahkan dengan political will pemerintah untuk  kemauan politiknya dalam suatu kebijakan untuk mendukung maupun mendorong industry agar mampu memenuhi kebutuhaanya dari aspek inisiatif pemerintah, proritas dengan kajian-kajian, mobilisasi dukungan politik, penegakan hokum, serta konsistensinya dalam memberikan kebijakannya, baik pada perusahaan BUMN maupun BUMS yang berada di Indonesia. Sebenarnya perusahaan baja/besi nasional telah dirintis oleh pemerintah sejak tahun 1970 dan perusahaan-perusahaan tersebut selalu mengembangkan produksinya untuk memenuhi berbagai keperluan disaat regulasi internasional seperti persaigan global produk baja/besi di Indonesia namun kenyataannya hingga kini belum mampu bersaing dari Negara seperti China, Korea, Jepang dan India, dapat dianalisa bahwa peran dan keterlibatan  pemerintah tidak begitu kuat serta kurang aktif dalam mendukung kebijakan tersebut. Ketika membandingkan dengan kebijakan Negara China misalnya dalam pelaksanaan  political will unyuk mendukung industry manufaktur, melalui political will dari kepemimpinan Deng Xiao Ping, China dapat melakukan berbagai tranformasi terutama transfer teknologi dengan konsep open door policy. Adanya  investasi yang masuk, maka terjadi transfer teknologi yang membuat China mampu menjadi Negara yang mandiri yang selanjutkan proses industrialisasi dapat dijalankan tanpa bantuan dari Negara lain dalam memenuhi kebutuhannya bahkan saat ini pengimpor terbesar masuk ke Indonesia.                Begitu juga dari aspek organizational culture yang  dianalisa dan dideskripsikan pada aspek-aspek perubahan nilai, sikap agresive, perilaku dan persepsi, inovasi dan berani beresiko, tehnik dan proses mencapai hasil serta tim work jika dibandingkan dengan Negara-negara seperti China, Korea, Jepang dan India masih jauh dari harapan itu kekuatan dari Negara-negara tersebut sehingga nilai produktivitasnya sangat memuaskan sehingga mampu dalam bersaing. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk memetakan ketidak mampuan daya saing terutama pada harga penjualan dan kuantitas produk pada perusahaan manukfaktur industry besi baja dampak dari kebijakan political will serta organizational culture di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif eksploratif dengan melakukan survey, observasi, wawancara serta dokumen/data kebeberapa perusahaan besi baja yang tergabung pada IISIA(The Indonesian Iron & Steel Association) di Indonesia yang berkaitan dengan penelitian tersebut. Hasil yang didapatkan memiliki ketidak mampuan bersaing terutama pada  harga produk serta produktivitas perusahaan belum optimal dalam memanfaatkan sumberdaya yang dimilikinya, rendahnya kompetitif  akibat dampak dari; (1) kemauan politik pemerintah daerah  maupun pusat yang berbeda; (2) paket kebijakan tak mampu membuat perijinan jadi lebih mudah atau bertele-tele; (3) biaya pelabuhan terhadap barang import; (4) bunga perbankan bagi perusahaan manufaktur yang diatas 12% dan ;(5) Insentif yang seharusnya digulirkan pemerintah juga tidak bertambah ; (6) Kurangnya stimulus pada iklim investasi industry bbesi baja di Indonesia dan (6) dwilling time yang hingga saat ini belum bisa dibawa 5 hari,  hal ini pemerintah perlu mengkaji lagi mengenai kebijakan political will serta menumbuhkan semangat dalam organizational culture yang dapat memberikan nilai tambah sebagai wujud kepedulian terhadap industry manufaktur  untuk mendongkrak pertumbuhan industry besi baja di Indonesia.


2005 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-390
Author(s):  
Dragan Djukanovic

The author explores the genesis and ranges of interstate cooperation within the scope of the Adriatic Charter of Partnership, signed in Tirana on May 2, 2003 by Republic of Albania, Republic of Croatia and FYR of Macedonia, and the United States of America. First three member states of the Adriatic Charter Group have been united in their common objective to become an integral part of the NATO. USA gives strong impetus to member states of the Group to implement all the criteria for the membership in NATO promoting the "Open Door" policy. The author analyses Charter of Partnership and evaluates results of the meetings of the Partnership Commission and other mechanisms for interstate co-operation.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 209-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burcu Togral Koca

Turkey has followed an “open door” policy towards refugees from Syria since the March 2011 outbreak of the devastating civil war in Syria. This “liberal” policy has been accompanied by a “humanitarian discourse” regarding the admission and accommodation of the refugees. In such a context, it is widely claimed that Turkey has not adopted a securitization strategy in its dealings with the refugees. However, this article argues that the stated “open door” approach and its limitations have gone largely unexamined. The assertion is, here, refugees fleeing Syria have been integrated into a security framework embedding exclusionary, militarized and technologized border practices. Drawing on the critical border studies, the article deconstructs these practices and the way they are violating the principle of non-refoulement in particular and human rights of refugees in general. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-226
Author(s):  
Soner Tauscher

Avrupa ülkelerinin alışık olduğu düzenli işçi göçü ve kontrollü sığınmacı alımı Suriye iç savaşının üst düzeye ulaştığı 2013/2014 yılından itibaren önemli bir değişim göstermektedir. Avrupa Birliği, kuruluşundan bu yana en yoğun mülteci göçüyle karşılaşmaktadır. Yaşanan bu kontrolsüz ve zorunlu göçe Avrupa toplumları ve devletleri hazırlıksız yakalanmıştır. Mülteci krizini ekonomik olarak fırsata çevirmek isteyen Almanya ise göçmenler için 2015 yazından itibaren açık kapı politikası uygulamaya başlamıştır. Ancak uygulanan açık kapı politikası Alman toplumunun azımsanmayacak bir kesiminde mültecilere ve Müslümanlara yönelik ağır ve şiddetli bir karşı kampanya ortaya çıkardı. Mülteciler ve Müslümanlar aşırı sağ toplumsal hareketlerin gösterilerinde “tecavüzcü”, “işgalci”, “kriminal dolandırıcılar” vb. sıfatlar ile birlikte anılmakta, medya da bu söylemlerin taşıyıcılığını yaparak kamusallaşmasını sağlamaktadır. Böylece aşırı sağı desteklemeyen, apolitik, ya da sığınmacılara karşı hoşgörülü davranan toplum kesimlerinde kamuoyu oluşturularak sığınmacı ve göçmenlere karşı olumsuz algı gündemde tutulmakta, politik olanın merkezine yerleştirilmektedir. Bu çalışmada öncelikle göçmenlere karşı aşırı sağ toplumsal hareketlerin oluşturduğu olumsuz söylemin McCombs ve Shaw’un Gündem Belirleme Kuramı (Agenda Setting Function) bağlamında medya tarafından siyasetin merkezine nasıl oturtulduğu tartışılacaktır. Ayrıca gündemde tutulan mültecilere yönelik olumsuz söylemin gerçeği yansıtıp yansıtmadığı, göçmenlerin ve sığınmacıların biyolojik Almanlardan daha çok suça meyilli olup olmadığı oluşturulan soyut söylemlerden ziyade Almanya İçişleri Bakanlığı’nın yıllık olarak yayınladığı Emniyet Suç İstatistikleri temel alınarak incelenecektir.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHFar right movements in Germany and evaluation of media discourse of criminal immigrant in the light of official documentsFlows of regular worker migration and regular asylum seekers, of whom European countries are familiar, have significantly changed since 2013/2014 when the civil war of Syria reached its peak. The European Union face probably the most intensive refugee migration since its establishment. European societies and states have not been prepared for this uncontrolled and compulsory immigration. Germany seem to want to turn the refugee crisis into an economic opportunity as evident in their open door policy since the summer of 2015. However, implementation of open-door policy has led a substantial part of German society to a strong campaign against the refugees and Muslims. Refugees and Muslims are referred to as “rapists”, “invaders”, “criminal fraudsters”, and so on in demonstrations of far right movements and media has helped disseminating these discourses. Hence, this manipulated and hateful discourse tries to gain support from the segment of society wh normally does not support far right and often apolitical, or tolerant towards asylum seekers. In this study, the ways in which the negative discourse of far right social movements against immigrants is brought to the centre of the political agenda by media is analysed using the agenda setting framework by McCombs and Shaw. Then, the claims that immigrants are involved in crime, or they are prone to be criminals are analysed and contrasted with the data obtained from the annual Crime and Safety Reports of the German Ministry of the Interior.


Author(s):  
Mehran Kamrava

As middle powers with regional aspirations, Iran and Turkey see the South Caucasus region as an ideal arena for expanding their reach and influence. As post-sanctions Iran finds greater space for diplomacy and trade, the ensuing competition between the two neighboring countries is likely to intensify in the coming years. For both states, trade and soft power are the most viable tools for expanding their influence. In the long run, the competition in trade is only likely to benefit the three states of the South Caucasus. But it is also likely to keep the multiple conflicts that have ravaged the region over the last several decades — especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Russia and Georgia, and even the historic animosity between Turkey and Armenia — frozen and without a solution in sight.


Author(s):  
Mahmood Monshipouri

The relationship between Iran, Turkey and the South Caucasus states have been influenced by an array of geopolitical, strategic, cultural, and economic factors. The competition between Iran and Turkey and their roles in the South Caucasus are best defined by traditional balance-of-power relations and the broader context of the post-Soviet era. This chapter unpacks the complex dynamics of pipeline politics in the South Caucasus region by underlying the need to understand the “Great Power Game” involving geostrategic and geo-economic interests of local governments, regional actors, global powers, and international oil companies. The larger focus turns on underscoring the importance of the region’s large oil and gas reserves; its land connection between the Caspian Sea, South Caucasus, and Europe; and its long-standing territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet era. Iran and Turkey have fought for influence in the South Caucasus while maintaining relatively good bilateral relationships in the region.


European View ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 178168582110046
Author(s):  
Sandra Kalniete ◽  
Tomass Pildegovičs

Against the backdrop of the deterioration of EU–Russia relations in recent years, there has been a shift in the awareness of hybrid threats all across the Union. At the same time, there is evidence of a growing political will to strengthen resilience to these threats. While hostile foreign actors have long deployed hybrid methods to target Europe, Russia’s intervention in Ukraine in 2014, interference in the 2016 US presidential election, and repeated cyber-attacks and disinformation campaigns aimed at EU member states have marked a turning point, exposing Western countries’ unpreparedness and vulnerability to these threats. This article analyses the EU’s resilience to hybrid warfare from institutional, regulatory and societal perspectives, with a particular focus on the information space. By drawing on case studies from member states historically at the forefront of resisting and countering Russian-backed disinformation campaigns, this article outlines the case for a whole-of-society approach to countering hybrid threats and underscores the need for EU leadership in a standard-setting capacity.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Pour Rohani ◽  
Sima Pour Rohani

Presence of Afghans in Iran has been critical issue for Iranian government. During the Open Door Policy of Iran, huge population of Afghans entered Iran without official monitoring. They have married and got children. Many of these marriages are not officially registered in Iran nor in Afghanistan. Therefore, Iran has faced many illegitimate marriages and children. This paper is to explain the reasons of Afghan entrance to Iran, their situation in Iran and the consequences of their presence for Iranian government. The main goal of the article is to demonstrate how critical the problem is if it is not dealt with as soon as possible.


1952 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 417
Author(s):  
A. J. Youngson Brown ◽  
Charles S. Campbell

1973 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol E. Bradshaw

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