SEKI Koki, An Anthropology of the “Social”: Globalization, Development, and Connectedness in the Philippines, Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 2017

Background: In the management of head and neck cancer (HNC), assessment of quality of life (QoL) is imperative because of the potentially debilitating effect of treatment toxicities. Currently, there are no published data assessing the QoL in Filipino HNC patients, thus this study.Methods: This cross-sectional study utilized the University of the Philippines - Department of Health Quality of Life scale. Patients with head and neck cancers at the University of the Philippines - Philippine General Hospital from February to September 2019 were invited to participate. Results: A total of 418 patients were included in the study with a mean age of 42 years old (range 18 to 73 years old). In general, Filipino head and neck cancer patients had moderate QoL (mean score of 4.59±0.79). All of the QoL domains (physical, emotional, cognitive, and related functions) had a score of 3-5 (moderate), except for the social status domain which had a mean score of 5.51±0.83 (high). Among socio-demographic factors, patients who are employed and with additional funding sources on top of their income have better global QoL (p<0.01). Clinically, patients with higher stages of disease, fungating tumors, post-laryngectomy, have a feeding tube, with a tracheostomy, and had chemotherapy have lower global QoL (p<0.01).Conclusions: Filipino patients with head and neck cancers have an overall moderate quality of life, with high scores in the social domain. Patients with higher tumor burdens and have been exposed to chemotherapy have lower QoL scores, while patients with financial stability and aid have better QoL scores.

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Narrating Human Rights in the Philippines

Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights ◽

10.19184/jseahr.v3i1.8411 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 3 (1) ◽

pp. 7 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Ma. Rhea Gretchen Arevalo Abuso

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Social Institution ◽

The Philippines ◽

Human Rights Violations ◽

Martial Law ◽

National Elections ◽

The Social ◽

National Leaders ◽

Depth Interviews

The 2016 national elections in the Philippines have been regarded as the most revealing and consequential democratic practice to the human rights situation in the country for two reasons. First, the overwhelming election of Rodrigo Duterte to the presidency was because of his campaign promise to rid the country of drugs and criminality within “3 to 6 months” through bloody and violent means. Second, the son and namesake of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, whose authoritarian regime in the 1970’s was responsible for countless human rights violations, narrowly lost his vice-presidential bid by a mere 270,000 votes. These turns of events beg the question: how could Filipinos, who experienced a bloody and violent regime at the hands of a dictator, choose to elect national leaders widely associated with human rights violations? This paper addresses this question through the use of in-depth interviews with Filipino college students in key cities in the Philippines in order to describe the Marcos regime from the perspective of the generation that did not experience the period. The research aimed to understand how memories of past human rights violations are formed and shaped, how these memories are crucial to the improvement of the human rights situation in society, and how to ensure that mistakes of the past are not repeated. The study found that widespread revisionist notions about the Marcos regime can be attributed to the absence of meaningful martial law and human rights education in the country. However, the study also found that young Filipinos regard the social institution of education as the most trustworthy bearer of information on human rights and violent regimes. This highlights the crucial role of schools and educators in promoting human rights in society.

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Carework and Migration: Japanese Perspectives on the Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement

Asian and Pacific Migration Journal ◽

10.1177/011719680701600303 ◽

2007 ◽

Vol 16 (3) ◽

pp. 357-381 ◽

Cited By ~ 12

Author(s):

Nobue Suzuki

Keyword(s):

State Policies ◽

The Philippines ◽

Primary Objective ◽

Foreign Workers ◽

Government Institutions ◽

The Social ◽

Economic Partnership Agreement ◽

Economic Partnership ◽

Partnership Agreement ◽

And Migration

This paper details the context of the reception of Filipino careworkers under the Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement (JPEPA). Following the reduction in the deployment of Filipina/o entertainers in Japan since March 2005, the potential deployment of careworkers to Japan has generated much interest in the Philippines. However, many aspects of careworker migration are not well understood. The primary objective of this paper is thus to clarify the social conditions surrounding the JPEPA to better understand the various issues involved in carework in Japan. Towards this end, the paper discusses the following: the attempt of the state to reduce the costs of carework; state policies on foreign workers and the prospect of bringing in Filipino careworkers under the JPEPA; the responses of government institutions, medical and labor organizations to careworker migration; the process of careworker migration as provided in the JPEPA; and possibilities of cooperation between Filipinos already in Japan and incoming careworkers.

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de Joya, Petra

10.1093/acrefore/9780199975839.013.1525 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Yolanda Ealdama

Keyword(s):

Social Work ◽

Community Development ◽

Social Welfare ◽

Social Workers ◽

The Philippines ◽

The Social ◽

The University ◽

Welfare Agencies

Petra de Joya (1913–1987) was an eminent educator and social administrator. She spearheaded the professionalization of social work in the Philippines by advocating for the passage of laws that were instrumental for the development of social work in the country. The following laws were enacted as a result of her advocacy: (a) Republic Act regulating the social work profession in the Philippines and requiring social welfare agencies to hire professional social workers; (b) a Republic Act elevating the Department of Social Work to the Institute of Social Work and Community Development at the University of the Philippines; and (c) a Republic Act transforming the Social Welfare Administration (SWA) into the Department of Social Welfare (DSW). She was appointed as one of the first board of examiners for social work.

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Opportunities and Challenges in Socially Inclusive Innovation

Biotechnology ◽

10.4018/978-1-5225-8903-7.ch064 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 1541-1555

Author(s):

Linda M. Peñalba ◽

Dulce D. Elazegui

Keyword(s):

Social Inclusion ◽

Innovation System ◽

The Philippines ◽

Evidence Based ◽

Promotion Policies ◽

Inclusive Innovation ◽

The Social ◽

Modern Biotechnology ◽

Socio Economic Impact ◽

Equitable Outcomes

This chapter analyzes the opportunities and challenges for modern biotechnology, particularly Genetically Modified (GM) corn, in addressing social inclusion to ensure its equitable outcomes or impacts. It examines the policy environment in which GM corn was introduced and the related socioeconomic concerns. The study reveals that in the Philippines there is no institutionalized mechanism yet to determine if GM corn promotion policies and strategies conform to the social inclusion context of biotechnology. Governance of the GM technology and the interplay of the innovation system intermediaries hindered the full realization and application of social inclusion principles. Interventions to monitor socio-economic impact, knowledge transfer and interaction, and credit support delivery are needed for a more socially inclusive innovation. There should be a continuous interactive learning among various stakeholders to have evidence-based information on the technology.

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1941: Pre–Pacific War Australia

Reduced to a Symbolical Scale ◽

10.5790/hongkong/9789888390878.003.0005 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Tony Banham

Keyword(s):

Hong Kong ◽

The Philippines ◽

Social Position ◽

Pacific War ◽

Left Behind ◽

The Social

Chapter Four observes the evacuees’ environment as they fought to be allowed to return to Hong Kong and made the largely unassisted transition from pre-evacuation Colony to the difficulties (real and perceived) of life in Australia. They now had the social position of refugees. The eighteen months of separation before the Japanese attack meant families were immediately under strain - at the Hong Kong and Australian ends. The pressure on evacuated families was greater than on those not evacuated, added to by the continuing sense of injustice that many of the latter had deliberately evaded evacuation. The Hong Kong evacuees’ experience is contextualised through comparison with American civilians in the Philippines who were not evacuated and would eventually fare far worse. The vain hope for repatriation to Hong Kong delayed acclimatisation to Australia for many – though now more families realised that they could regain control of their destinies, by the evacuees themselves leaving Australia or by husbands who had been left behind leaving Hong Kong. Meanwhile, demonstrations and petitions calling for repatriation of the evacuees to Hong Kong grew to a crescendo.

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A dangerous liaison? Harnessing Weber to illuminate the relationship of democracy and charisma in the Philippines and India

International Sociology ◽

10.1177/0268580920942721 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 35 (6) ◽

pp. 691-709

Author(s):

Walden Flores Bello

Keyword(s):

Rational Choice Theory ◽

Choice Theory ◽

Max Weber ◽

The Philippines ◽

Class Theory ◽

The Social ◽

Charismatic Authority ◽

Democratic Elections ◽

Relationship Of ◽

The Relationship

Democratic elections in the Philippines and India in 2019 yielded a paradoxical result: the strengthening of the political hegemony of personalities partial to authoritarian rule. An examination of economic, social, and political conditions prior to the elections shows that the usual paradigms used to explain voters’ choices – class theory, rational choice theory, and patron–client theory – fail to account for the sweeping victories of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. A more useful framework is that of charismatic authority derived from Max Weber. Employing this paradigm, the article discusses the origins of charismatic authority in the two polities, the differences in charismatic appeal, the social construction of charisma, charisma and the creation of the Other, and the democratic dialectic at the heart of charismatic authoritarianism.

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Liberation of the Social Consciousness through Alternative Learning and Action Research: Work in Progress with the Aytas of the Philippines

Community Psychology and the Socio-economics of Mental Distress ◽

10.1007/978-1-137-00304-1_16 ◽

2012 ◽

pp. 238-252

Author(s):

Emee Vida Estacio ◽

David F. Marks

Keyword(s):

Action Research ◽

Research Work ◽

The Philippines ◽

Social Consciousness ◽

Alternative Learning ◽

Work In Progress ◽

The Social

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Three Manila-Fujian Diplomatic Encounters: Different Aims and Different Embassies in the Seventeenth Century

Journal of Early Modern History ◽

10.1163/15700658-12342642 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 23 (5) ◽

pp. 442-457

Author(s):

Anna Busquets

Keyword(s):

Seventeenth Century ◽

South China ◽

The Philippines ◽

China Seas ◽

Trade Relations ◽

The Third ◽

Cultural Effects ◽

The Social ◽

The City

Abstract During the second half of the seventeenth century, there were at least three embassies between the Spaniards of Manila and the Fujian based Zheng regime. The first embassy took place in 1656 ordered by the Spanish governor in Manila. The ambassadors were two captains of the city, and its aim was to re-establish trade relations, which had been severed many months before. In response, Zheng Chenggong sent his cousin to the Philippine islands to settle several business arrangements regarding Fujianese trade. In 1662, Zheng Chenggong took the initiative of sending the Dominican Victorio Riccio, who worked as missionary in the Catholic mission at Xiamen, as emissary to the Governor of the Philippines, don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara. The third embassy took place in 1663. Thereupon, Zheng Jing, Zheng Chenggong’s successor, sent Riccio to Manila for signing a peace pact and for re-establishing trade. The three embassies were related to the Zheng’s purpose of gaining economic and political supremacy over the Philippines and the South China Seas. In all three cases, the actors, the diplomatic correspondence, the material aspects and the results differed profoundly. The article analyzes the role of individuals as intermediaries and translators while considering the social and cultural effects that these embassies had on the Sino-Spanish relations in Manila.

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