Przyszłość Unii Europejskiej po Brexicie. Rosyjski punkt widzenia

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 201-213
Author(s):  
Valentina Prudskaya

In recent years, it is difficult not to notice the growing number of serious crises experienced by the European Union. It is clear that the old methods of overcoming crises in today’s reality do not work anymore. The United Kingdom European Union membership referendum in June 2016 (the so-called Brexit) can undoubtedly be called a special turning point in the existence and functioning of the EU. The aim of the article is to present, analyse and compare opinions and assessments created in the expert and academic environment in Russia on the future of the European Union after the referendum in Great Britain. Another goal is to find an answer to the question of what future of relations between the EU and Russia is expected by Russian researchers and experts. In the article the following research methods were used: desk research, critical analysis, comparative method and analysis of media discourse.

2018 ◽  
pp. 39-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Józef M. Fiszer

There is no doubt that Brexit is an unprecedented event in the history of European integration and the European Union (EU). It will certainly be a turning point not only in the history of the EU but also in Germany and France. It will affect their place and role in the new international order that is currently being shaped. Today, however, it is very difficult to present an accurate diagnosis, and even more difficult to predict the future of the EU, Europe and the whole world after Brexit. Currently, the opinions of researchers and experts on this subject are divided. Many fear that Brexit will be the beginning of the end of the EU and that it will lead to so-called diversified integration and then to its disintegration. Others believe that Brexit, nolens volens, may accelerate the EU’s modernisation process. This will require the adoption of a new revision treaty. This treaty will be developed under the dictation of Germany and France, which are the most influential countries in the EU.The purpose of this article is to answer a few questions, particularly what role  Germany and France can and will play in the EU after Brexit. Will these countries  again become the driving force in the process of European integration and the EU’s modernisation, or will they remain passive and contribute to the break-up of the EU? Moreover, the author intends to show the opportunities and threats for the EU  without the United Kingdom, which counterbalanced the influence of Germany and France in Europe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 113 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-805
Author(s):  
Danae Azaria

The CJEU held that the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) is allowed to unilaterally revoke the notification of its intention to withdraw from the European Union (EU) as long as the revocation is submitted in writing to the European Council before the UK's withdrawal takes effect, and as long as the revocation is “unequivocal and unconditional, that is to say that the purpose of that revocation is to confirm the EU membership of the member state concerned under terms that are unchanged as regards its status as a member state, and that revocation brings the withdrawal procedure to an end” (para. 74).


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Libor

To understand the Welsh in their political decisionsBrexit is one of the most important events that dominated the media discourse in 2017. The decision of the residents of the United Kingdom to leave the EU structures will certainly have not only serious economic consequences, but also political, social and cultural ones, both for the United Kingdom itself and for residents of countries that will stay in the European Union.While analysing the results of the referendum, which took place on 23rdJune 2016, it can be seen that the majority of voters in England and Wales voted in favour of leaving the European Union, while those in Scotland and Northern Ireland supported the United Kingdom remaining in the EU structures.The aim of the article is to explain why the majority of voters in Wales were in favour of the United Kingdom exit from the European Union and to indicate potential benefits or losses resulting from the decision taken. Zrozumieć Walijczyków w ich politycznych decyzjachBrexit jest jednym z tych wydarzeń, które zdominowały dyskurs medialny w 2017 roku. Decyzja mieszkańców Zjednoczonego Królestwa o opuszczeniu struktur unijnych będzie miała z pewnością poważne konsekwencje nie tylko ekonomiczne, o których mówi się najwięcej, ale również polityczne, społeczne i kulturowe, zarówno dla samego Zjednoczonego Królestwa, jak i mieszkańców państw, które pozostaną członkami Unii Europejskiej.Analizując wyniki referendum, do którego doszło 23 czerwca 2016 roku, dostrzec można, że za wyjściem z Unii Europejskiej opowiedziała się większość głosujących w Anglii i Walii, podczas gdy wyborcy w Szkocji oraz Irlandii Północnej optowali za pozostaniem Zjednoczonego Królestwa w strukturach unijnych.Celem artykułu jest próba wyjaśnienia, dlaczego większość głosujących na terenie Walii opowiedziała się za wyjściem Zjednoczonego Królestwa z Unii Europejskiej oraz wskazanie potencjalnych korzyści lub też strat wynikających z podjętej decyzji.


2020 ◽  
pp. 113-130
Author(s):  
Filip Ilkowski

The article presents the analysis of activities of politicians associated with the Labour Party undertaken in favour of leaving the European Union by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the context of the June 2016 referendum campaign. There are presented the historical roots of the critique of European Communities drawn from this ideological-political perspective (the opposition towards the European Economic Community in 1975 referendum), but above all the argumentation used more than four decades later by the opponents of staying in the EU. On the basis of conducted analysis, the specific elements of the main ideological poles that shape left-wing critique of the EU with regard to the British example have been distinguished.


This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of the withdrawal agreement concluded between the United Kingdom and the European Union to create the legal framework for Brexit. Building on a prior volume, it overviews the process of Brexit negotiations that took place between the UK and the EU from 2017 to 2019. It also examines the key provisions of the Brexit deal, including the protection of citizens’ rights, the Irish border, and the financial settlement. Moreover, the book assesses the governance provisions on transition, decision-making and adjudication, and the prospects for future EU–UK trade relations. Finally, it reflects on the longer-term challenges that the implementation of the 2016 Brexit referendum poses for the UK territorial system, for British–Irish relations, as well as for the future of the EU beyond Brexit.


IG ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 278-294
Author(s):  
Niklas Helwig ◽  
Juha Jokela ◽  
Clara Portela

Sanctions are one of the toughest and most coercive tools available to the European Union (EU). They are increasingly used in order to respond to breaches of international norms and adverse security developments in the neighbourhood and beyond. However, the EU sanctions policy is facing a number of challenges related to the efficiency of decision-making, shortcomings in the coherent implementation of restrictive measures, as well as the adjustments to the post-Brexit relationship with the United Kingdom. This article analyses these key challenges for EU sanctions policy. Against the backdrop of an intensifying global competition, it points out the need to weatherproof this policy tool. The current debate on the future of the EU provides an opportunity to clarify the strategic rationale of EU sanctions and to fine-tune the sanctions machinery.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 230-249
Author(s):  
Andrzej Żurawski

Abstract This article explores Bruno Amable’s Diversity of Capitalism approach to analyze educational systems in the European Union (EU28). The main goal is to identify the main clusters of educational systems with regard to their institutional characteristics. Second goal of the analysis is to evaluate the impact of several EU policies and initiatives on the institutional structure of European educational systems. This article identified six clusters in terms of general education and five clusters in terms of higher education systems. The clustering shows, that – with some exceptions (notably the United Kingdom and Ireland) – European education systems have similar structure to other institutional areas, in particular, it confirms the existence of post-communist (in terms of Farkas) or patchwork (in terms of Rapacki et al.) capitalism. The article shows, as well, that subsystem of higher education is much less diverse, what may have a significance for future discussions on the capitalisms in the EU. Results suggests also that there exist significant differences in performance between the clusters, something that may have a crucial importance for an educational policy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Kubin

The exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union (so-called Brexit) is one of the most important events in the process of European integration. It has a lot of extremely remarkable implications – both for the EU and for the United Kingdom. Among other, Brexit will affect the security of the United Kingdom and the EU. The aim of the study is to answer the research question: how will Britain’s exit from the EU influence the EU common security and defence policy? In order to answer this question, the factors that are most relevant to the United Kingdom’s significance for the EU’s security and defence policy will be identified. This will show how the EU’s potential of the security and defence policy will change, when the UK leaves this organisation. The most important conclusions are included in the summary.


Author(s):  
Eleanor Sharpston

The chapter examines the role played by the Court of Justice of the European Union (the CJEU) in ruling authoritatively on the meaning of European Union legislation. The EU legislative process differs from the parliamentary process in the United Kingdom for good reason. Within the European Union, there are many different traditions of how such drafting should be done; whilst, at EU level, multinationalism and multilingualism have a significant impact on what emerges as the final text. The chapter explains the difficulties encountered and gives illustrations from the Court’s case-law of instances where the Court has either decided not to take steps that might be construed as ‘legislating’ or, conversely, has gone to the limits of ‘constructive re-interpretation’. The chapter concludes by asking how far the Court should ‘bend’ a legislative text.


Author(s):  
Federico Fabbrini

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the Withdrawal Agreement of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU). The Withdrawal Agreement, adopted on the basis of Article 50 Treaty on European Union (TEU), spells out the terms and conditions of the UK departure from the EU, including ground-breaking solutions to deal with the thorniest issues which emerged in the context of the withdrawal negotiations. Admittedly, the Withdrawal Agreement is only a part of the Brexit deal. The Agreement, in fact, is accompanied by a connected political declaration, which outlines the framework of future EU–UK relations. The chapter then offers a chronological summary of the process that led to the adoption of the Withdrawal Agreement, describing the crucial stages in the Brexit process — from the negotiations to the conclusion of a draft agreement and its rejection, to the extension and the participation of the UK to European Parliament (EP) elections, to the change of UK government and the ensuing constitutional crisis, to the new negotiations with the conclusion of a revised agreement, new extension, and new UK elections eventually leading to the departure of the UK from the EU.


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