The European Union as a laboratory of paradiplomacy in the context of international and domestic determinants of regions’ foreign activities

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 9-28
Author(s):  
Barbara Curyło
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Specific Nature ◽  
The Status ◽  
International Engagement ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Regional Governments

The aim of this article is to propose an analytical framework of the EU as a laboratory of paradiplomacy in context of international and domestic determinants of the regions’ foreign activities. The article shades some light on the definitions of paradyplomacy, which allow to understand the ambiguity of the status of regions in international relations. Firstly, the dimensions and types of paradiplomacy are identified. Secondly, the discourse concerning international and domestic determinants of international engagement of regional governments is identified. Then, the framework of the EU as a laboratory of paradiplomacy is explained in the three subsequent parts. Firstly, the EU is referred to as an intermestic determinant of paradiplomacy, what results from the specific nature of the EU that corresponds with the international and domestic determinants of paradiplomacy in general. Secondly, the EU is addressed as an arena of paradiplomacy where various patterns of regional governments’ presence in Brussels are tested. Finally, paradiplomacy in the EU is addressed as a scholarly challenge for the further research.

scholarly journals A New Paradigm for EU Diplomacy? EU Council Negotiations in a Time of Physical Restrictions

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 556-568
Author(s):  
Heidi Maurer ◽  
Nicholas Wright
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The European Union ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Physical Presence ◽  
Written Form ◽  
International Engagement ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
European Diplomacy ◽  
The Eu

Summary Can diplomacy work without physical presence? International relations scholars consider the European Union (EU) the most institutionalised case of international co-operation amongst sovereign states, with the highest density of repeated diplomatic exchange. In a year, the Council of Ministers hosts on average 143 ministerial and 200 ambassadorial meetings, along with hundreds of working group meetings. These intense diplomatic interactions came to an abrupt halt in mid-March 2020, when the spread of COVID-19 forced the Council to approve — in a manner unprecedented in European integration history — the temporary derogation from its rules of procedures to allow votes in written form, preceded by informal videoconferences between ministers or ambassadors. This argumentative essay reflects on how we can use these extraordinary months of intra-European diplomacy to assess the viability of virtual diplomacy in the EU context and what lessons it provides as we seek more sustainable means of international engagement.

scholarly journals Den Stier das Tanzen lehren?

2012 ◽  
Vol 42 (168) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Fisahn
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Financial Market ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Social Benefits ◽  
The European Union ◽  
German Government ◽  
Capital Movements ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Eu

The crisis of the European Union cannot be solved by austerity programs. Therefore a closer look at the reasons of the crisis seems to be reasonable, which includes a description of the development of the EU from 1951 to present times. The Union started as a tariff union and evolved through different steps to an order of competitive states. The main fields of competition between the states are taxes and social costs, which leads to tax dumping and a race to the bottom in social benefits. Starting in 1990 the EU achieved the status of an open financial market, with the duty of deregulation of capital movements being stipulated in Treaties. In the end the problem is not a debt crisis but a crisis of the structure of the European Union. The solution – which especially the German government prefers – may be the first step on the way to an authoritarian state.

9. European Union law and institutions

2021 ◽  
pp. 124-141
Author(s):  
Colin Faragher
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Union Law ◽  
Cooperation Agreement ◽  
The Status ◽  
Fundamental Rights And Freedoms ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

Each Concentrate revision guide is packed with essential information, key cases, revision tips, exam Q&As, and more. Concentrates show you what to expect in a law exam, what examiners are looking for, and how to achieve extra marks. This chapter discusses the Treaty framework and sources of EU law as well as the institutions of the EU. It covers the legal background to the UK’s departure from the EU, the legal process through which the UK left the EU, the key provisions of the EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (2020), and the European Union (Future Relationship) Act 2020. This chapter also discusses the effect of the UK’s departure from the EU on the status of the sources of EU law and the effect of leaving the EU on the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms as well as failure to transpose a Directive into national law and the effect of leaving the EU on the Francovich principle.

1. International Relations and the European Union

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Hill ◽  
Michael Smith ◽  
Sophie Vanhoonacker
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Eu Policies ◽  
The Eu

This edition examines the contexts in which the European Union has reflected and affected major forces and changes in international relations (IR) by drawing on concepts such as balance of power, multipolarity, multilateralism, interdependence, and globalization. It explores the nature of policymaking in the EU's international relations and the ways in which EU policies are pursued within the international arena. Topics include the EU's role in the global political economy, how the EU has developed an environmental policy, and how it has attempted to graft a common defence policy onto its generalized foreign and security policy. This chapter discusses the volume's methodological assumptions and considers three perspectives on IR and the EU: the EU as a subsystem of IR, the EU and the processes of IR, and the EU as a power in IR. It also provides an overview of the chapters that follow.

Remarks on Art. I-52 of the Constitutional Treaty: New Aspects of the European Ecclesiastical Law?

2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 1719-1729 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michał Rynkowski
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Constitutional Treaty ◽  
Ecclesiastical Law ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
The Status ◽  
Ec Law ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Eu

The question of churches and religious communities in the EU/EC law arose for the first time in 1997, when Declaration No. 11 on the status of churches and non-confessional organisations was attached to the Amsterdam Treaty. According to this Declaration, “The European Union will respect and does not prejudice the status under national law of churches and religious associations or communities in the Member States. The European Union will equally respect the status of philosophical and non-confessional organisations.” The content of this Declaration was commented on many times by distinguished experts of the European ecclesiastical law. Art. I-52 of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (Constitutional Treaty/CT) repeats in paragraph one and two Declaration No. 11, and introduces in paragraph three a provision on dialogue between the EU and religious bodies: “Recognising their identity and their specific contribution, the Union shall maintain an open, transparent and regular dialogue with these churches and organisations.”

scholarly journals Why withdrawal from the European Union is undemocratic

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 436-465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tore Vincents Olsen ◽  
Christian F. Rostbøll
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Member State ◽  
Individual Member ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Units ◽  
Article 50 ◽  
The Eu

The Lisbon Treaty from 2009 introduced the possibility for individual member states to withdraw from the European Union (EU) on the basis of a unilateral decision. In June 2016 the United Kingdom decided to leave the EU invoking article 50 of the treaty. But is withdrawal democratically legitimate? In fact, the all-affected principle suggests that it is undemocratic for subunits to leave larger political units when it adversely affects other citizens without including them in the decision. However, it is unclear what the currency of this affectedness is and, hence, why withdrawal would be undemocratic. We argue that it is the effect of withdrawal on the status of citizens as free and equal that is decisive and that explains why unilateral withdrawal of subunits from larger units is democratically illegitimate. Moreover, on the ‘all-affected status principle’ that we develop, even multilaterally agreed withdrawal is undemocratic because the latter diminishes the future ability of citizens to make decisions together regarding issues that affect their status as free and equal. On this basis, we conclude that it is undemocratic for a member state such as the United Kingdom to withdraw from the EU.

scholarly journals A balanced approach: Brexit from political and business perspectives

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 804-816
Author(s):  
Răzvan Hoinaru ◽  
Mihnea Năstase
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Value At Risk ◽  
Risk Sharing ◽  
Integrated Approach ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Business Strategies ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

Abstract There is a considerable amount of publications written on rolling back the EU supra state, national sovereignty regain, and strategic (mis)conceptions for analysing Brexit scenarios for both the UK and the EU. Many articles present a unilateral point of view with a tendency to be normative. The presentation of only one-sided political, historical, and business perspectives can be very dangerous, limiting understanding and constructive approaches. This also happens with macro-economic analyses that are used fit for purpose. David Cameron’s political calculation to call for a referendum regarding the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union has had complex ramifications. With causes that have led to the British citizens’ decision that range from multiple crises in the European Union, member states’ inability for burden and risk sharing, to the lack of trust portrayed by European institutions and a confusing internal rhetoric. With a City of London remaining undecided and continuously evaluating the value at risk of Brexit, and in the absence of a new European financial center, it is important to make sense of the arguments of both in and out supporters. Thus, this article attempts to present a more integrated approach, spanning across politics, trade, private businesses and social attitudes. This paper looks beyond international relations between nations and takes into consideration the international relations between corporations and their business strategies.

scholarly journals THE CONCEPT OF “THIRD SAFE COUNTRY” IN THE EUROPEAN UNION LAW

2018 ◽  
pp. 90-98
Author(s):  
N. Mushak
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Geneva Convention ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Refugee Status ◽  
European Union Law ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Group ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Eu

The article investigates the concept of "safe third country" in the law of the European Union. The article analyzes a number of international legal instruments that define the content of the concept of "safe third country". The research provides the definition of "safe third country". In particular, the safe third country should be determined as the country whose territory a person is crossing through the territory of the state where such person is seeking for the asylum, with the ability of that person to apply for asylum and use proper and relevant procedures. In fact, the concept of "safe third country" is applied by the EU Member States only when it is safe to guarantee that foreigners will be able to use the fair asylum procedures on the territory through they passed, and such persons shall be provided the effective protection of their rights. The article also determines the cases of the concept application by the EU Member States. In particular, the competent authorities of the EU Member States are confident that the third country the following aspects should be guaranted: the life and liberty of the applicant are not at risk due to race, religion, nationality, membership to a particular social or political group; the principle of prohibition of expulsion under the Geneva Convention on the Status of Refugees, 1951 shall be observed; the principle of prohibition of expulsion in case of violation of the right to be subjected to torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment envisaged by international law is been respected; there is the possibility to apply for a refugee status and to receive protection under the Geneva Convention on the Status of Refugees 1951.

scholarly journals Small and medium size states in international relations and in European Union

2010 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-112
Author(s):  
Dusko Lopandic
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
European Union ◽  
International Relation ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Medium Size ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Context ◽  
Additional Influence ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Eu

The position of small and medium size countries in international context has been studied. The main criteria of power in international relation is still the military and economic force, despite the fact that the size and resources of a country is not equivalent to its actual international influence. With the imposition of Vilsonian principles and with the creation of UN, the position of small and medium size countries has been somehow improved. It becomes even more favorable in the context of a well defined State coalition, which provides with some additional instruments of power. The European Union is the best example of a coalition providing a good framework for small and medium countries. In this article, six specifics mechanisms providing additional influence to small and medium size countries of the EU have been identified. They include the specificity of the EU legal system, decision making, the functioning of the EU bodies, the process of 'europeisation' etc.

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