The Old Northwest, 1890s–1930s

2019 ◽  
pp. 136-160
Author(s):  
Brent M. S. Campney

This chapter investigates the development—particularly by the police—of white opposition to mob violence against blacks in Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio from the 1890s to the 1930s. At the outset it details the methods deployed by local authorities to protect prisoners threatened with violence and the conditions required to trigger their appeals to state authorities for support, including the use of state militias (National Guard). Next it explores the responses of “ordinary” whites to these efforts. It then traces the efforts of state governments to curtail mob violence with legislation and of local authorities, especially the police, to offset their success in mitigating mob violence by appropriating mob tactics to control blacks themselves. Finally, it assesses the implications of its findings for the historiography of police violence (police brutality).

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 231-243
Author(s):  
Philisiwe Hadebe ◽  
◽  
Nirmala Gopal

South Africa promulgated the Prevention and Combating of Torture of Persons Act No. 13 of 2013, which criminalises the use of torture by law enforcers. The Act also criminalises cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment or punishment of citizens by law enforcers. However, the implementation of this law is derisory as the torture and physical abuse of civilians by the police reportedly continue unabated. This phenomenon seems part of police culture that is entrenched in South African policing practices. Prior to the study, the literature review underscored the unabated prevalence of police violence. Against this background, this article seeks to highlight specific incidences of police officers’ use of unconstitutional and abusive acts of torture involving civilians. Using a qualitative research approach, ten officers of the Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) were interviewed to generate the required data. Thematic analysis was used and the findings revealed that civilians suspected of criminal behaviour were often exposed to inhumane forms of torture, which ranged from food and water deprivation to being strangled, suffocated, and electrocuted. These forms of torture involving suspects were reportedly prompted by the urgency for eliciting information, ‘proving’ the presumption of guilt, proactively preventing crime in communities, and coercing suspect compliance. The findings thus urge the need for a blanket ban on the torture of suspects, the effective investigation by the IPID of cases of torture, and the successful trial and conviction of police perpetrators of this crime.


Author(s):  
John P. Bowes

Indian removals as a topic primarily encompasses the relocation of Native American tribes from American-claimed states and territories east of the Mississippi River to lands west of the Mississippi River in the first half of the 19th century. The bill passed by Congress in May 1830 referred to as the Indian Removal Act is the legislative expression of the ideology upon which federal and state governments acted to accomplish the dispossession and relocation of tens of thousands of Native American peoples during that time. Through both treaty negotiations and coercion, federal officials used the authority of removal policies to obtain land cessions and resettle eastern Indians in what is known in the early 21st century as Kansas and Oklahoma. These actions, in conjunction with non-Indian population growth and western migration, made it extremely difficult, if not impossible, for any tribes to remain on their eastern lands. The Cherokee Trail of Tears, which entailed the forced removal of approximately fourteen thousand men, women, and children from Georgia starting in the summer of 1838 until the spring of 1839, remains the most well-known illustration of this policy and its impact. Yet the comprehensive histories of removals encompass the forced relocations of tens of thousands of indigenous men, women, and children from throughout the Southeast as well as the Old Northwest from the 1810s into the 1850s.


2018 ◽  
pp. 75-109
Author(s):  
Mary-Elizabeth B. Murphy

This chapter chronicles patterns of racialized and gendered interracial police brutality in Washington, D.C. and the efforts of black women and men to end this violence. Between 1928 and 1938 white police officers in the city shot and killed forty black men in the city. While white officers did not shoot and kill black women and girls, but subjected at least twenty nine to a range of violent behaviors, including street harassment, racial epithets, physical assaults, and intrusions into their homes. In addition to these abusive encounters, white officers employed a double standard by refusing to conduct investigates when black women were abused, raped, or murdered; this was a form of negligence. Black women who were the victims of police violence resisted interracial policy brutality by fighting back, alerting the press, and pleading innocence in police court. Black women activists joined with men to stem the crisis of interracial police violence through protest parades, mock trials, mass meetings, and congressional lobbying.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 277-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma K Russell

This article investigates how proactive police image work contends with the politics of queer history by drawing from aspects of affect theory. It asks: How does police image work engage with or respond to ongoing histories of state violence and queer resistance? And why does this matter? To explore these questions, the article provides a case study of the Victorian Pride March in 2002. It analyzes textual representations of Chief Commissioner Christine Nixon’s participation in the parade to show how histories of homophobic police violence can be used strategically to fortify a positive police image among LGBT people and the wider community. Police image work carried out at Pride March becomes a means of legitimizing past policing practices with the aim of overcoming poor and antagonistic LGBT-police relations. The visibility of police at Pride March, this analysis suggests, contributes to the normalization of queerness as a site to be continually policed and regulated. Image work here also buttresses police reputation against the negative press associated with incidents of police brutality. This investigation contributes to the literature on police communications and impression management by demonstrating how police can mobilize negative aspects of their organizational history as an important part of police image work in the present.


2021 ◽  
pp. 51-70
Author(s):  
Laura Warren Hill

This chapter traces the eruption of the Black community in response to police brutality, noting July 24, 1964 as one of the era's very first “race riots” that occurred in Rochester. It discusses how a response to police brutality ended as an indictment of the economic conditions in Rochester's ghettoes. It also argues that the three-day rebellion, which ended with the calling up of the National Guard, became a watershed moment in the city of Rochester. The chapter describes the impressive degree of precision that those men and women, youth and senior citizens demonstrated in the rebellion when they attacked the police and private property with vengeance, but exempted community institutions and stores with a reputation for fairness. It investigates the 1964 uprising that seared Black Rochester into the nation's conscience, noting the uprising as the beginning of a series of Black rebellions that rocked the nation's urban centers in the 1960s.


2019 ◽  
Vol 122 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Monk ◽  
Joanna Gilmore ◽  
William Jackson

This article seeks to consider the policing of anti-fracking protests at Barton Moss, Salford, from November 2013 to April 2014. We argue that women at Barton Moss were considered by the police to be transgressing the socio-geographical boundaries that establish the dominant cultural and social order, and were thus responded to as disruptive and disorderly subjects. The article draws upon recent work on pacification, which views police power as having both destructive and productive dimensions, to consider the impact of police violence on women involved in protest. We seek to explore the ways in which this violence impacts not only on those involved in protest but also those on the peripheries. The article suggests that the threat and use of sexual violence by police towards women aims to enforce compliance within the protest movement and to send a message, specifically to those on the fringes of the movement, that protest is illegitimate and inherently dangerous. As such, sexual violence forms part of the social production and construction of gender and is instrumental in the making and remaking of subjectivities. The case study suggests that police brutality towards women at Barton Moss, therefore, operated as a disciplinary function to regulate acceptable forms of protest and acceptable forms of femininity.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brendan Szendro

Americans have become increasingly accustomed to controversies surrounding police violence. Such controversies typically center around Fatal Interactions with Police, or FIPs. Previous studies of FIPs have often centered around individual cases and struggled to produce consistent results. I argue that a structuralist perspective can explain these events. Building on previous findings regarding race and inequality, I argue that higher property values should produce a greater number of FIPs. I use a series of count and probability models to illustrate both that this effect occurs, and also that this effect intersects with issues of race and class in a number of revealing ways. Finally, I conclude by offering suggestions for lessening environmental factors that produce these events.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 1349-1355
Author(s):  
Najma Sadiq ◽  
Ume Laila ◽  
Tahir Mehmood ◽  
Tooba Rehan Haqqi

Police Brutality has become one of the most important highlight around the globe. This study qualitatively investigates the form of police violence existent in Pakistan and also how this violence is related with the reforms enunciated. Through investigation it has been seen that the police of Pakistan are more into bribery and misuse of power than it is there to serve the nation and provide national security. This study shall highlight important issues prevalent and will also provide recommendations through which issues can be resolved.


Author(s):  
Mary-Elizabeth B. Murphy

This chapter analyses how black women living in Washington, D.C. in the 1920s and early 1930s worked hard to pass a federal anti-lynching law. Over a period of fifteen years, women employed a range of protest tactics, including petitions, pickets, prayer meetings, congressional testimony, and a Silent Parade. The U.S. House of Representatives passed the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill in 1922, but it died in the Senate. Four years later, two women testified in the Senate about the urgency of passing anti-lynching legislation, which reflected the growing visibility of black women in politics. But when activists protested the erasure of lynching at the National Crime Conference in 1934, they recognized that police brutality in the nation’s capital needed to be a political priority. Many of the veterans of anti-lynching activism turned toward eradicating interracial police violence in Washington, D.C. in the 1930s.


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