The Eyes of the World Are upon Us

2018 ◽  
pp. 46-72
Author(s):  
Mary-Elizabeth B. Murphy
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Police Brutality ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Police Violence ◽  
The World ◽  
Prayer Meetings ◽  
Political Priority ◽  
The U.S

This chapter analyses how black women living in Washington, D.C. in the 1920s and early 1930s worked hard to pass a federal anti-lynching law. Over a period of fifteen years, women employed a range of protest tactics, including petitions, pickets, prayer meetings, congressional testimony, and a Silent Parade. The U.S. House of Representatives passed the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill in 1922, but it died in the Senate. Four years later, two women testified in the Senate about the urgency of passing anti-lynching legislation, which reflected the growing visibility of black women in politics. But when activists protested the erasure of lynching at the National Crime Conference in 1934, they recognized that police brutality in the nation’s capital needed to be a political priority. Many of the veterans of anti-lynching activism turned toward eradicating interracial police violence in Washington, D.C. in the 1930s.

Make Washington Safe for Negro Womanhood The Politics of Police Brutality

2018 ◽  
pp. 75-109
Author(s):  
Mary-Elizabeth B. Murphy
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Police Officers ◽  
Women Activists ◽  
Police Brutality ◽  
Police Violence ◽  
Street Harassment ◽  
Violent Behaviors ◽  
The Press ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
The City

This chapter chronicles patterns of racialized and gendered interracial police brutality in Washington, D.C. and the efforts of black women and men to end this violence. Between 1928 and 1938 white police officers in the city shot and killed forty black men in the city. While white officers did not shoot and kill black women and girls, but subjected at least twenty nine to a range of violent behaviors, including street harassment, racial epithets, physical assaults, and intrusions into their homes. In addition to these abusive encounters, white officers employed a double standard by refusing to conduct investigates when black women were abused, raped, or murdered; this was a form of negligence. Black women who were the victims of police violence resisted interracial policy brutality by fighting back, alerting the press, and pleading innocence in police court. Black women activists joined with men to stem the crisis of interracial police violence through protest parades, mock trials, mass meetings, and congressional lobbying.

Framing #Ferguson: A comparative analysis of media tweets in the U.S., U.K., Spain, and France

2019 ◽  
Vol 81 (6-8) ◽  
pp. 623-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Summer Harlow
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Computer Analysis ◽  
News Media ◽  
Police Brutality ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
The U.S

Following the killing of unarmed teenager Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, protests around the world—online and offline—grabbed headlines. Considering that previous research suggests that the news media tend to follow a protest paradigm of coverage that delegitimizes protesters, this study examined #Ferguson coverage on social media to re-assess the relevance of the paradigm. Using computer analysis, this study analyzed thousands of tweets posted by news organizations and individual journalists in the U.S., U.K., Spain, and France, as well as the general public’s tweets, to compare how race, police brutality, and the protests were discussed across countries. Findings fill the gap in the literature as to whether delegitimizing, paradigmatic coverage extends to Twitter, pointing to differences not just between countries, but also between media outlets and individual journalists, and between the public and the journalism industry. Implications for future research are discussed.

A4. UNRWA, IMPACT OF THE FIRST PHASE OF THE SECURITY BARRIER ON THE QALQILYA, TULKARM, AND JENIN DISTRICTS, GAZA CITY, JULY 2003 (EXCERPTS).

2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-160
Keyword(s):  
Civil Engineering ◽  
West Bank ◽  
The West ◽  
Full Report ◽  
The World ◽  
Aid Coordination ◽  
President Bush ◽  
Engineering Projects ◽  
The U.S

The separation wall, one of the largest civil engineering projects in Israel's history, has been criticized even by the U.S. administration, with Condoleezza Rice stating at the end of June 2003 that it ““arouses our [U.S.] deep concern”” and President Bush on 25 July calling it ““a problem”” and noting that ““it is very difficult to develop confidence between the Palestinians and Israel with a wall snaking through the West Bank.”” A number of reports have already been issued concerning the wall, including reports by B'Tselem (available at www.btselem.org), the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (available at www.palestinianaid.info), and the World Bank's Local Aid Coordination Committee (LACC; also available at www.palestinianaid.info). UNRWA's report focuses on the segment of the wall already completed and is based on field visits to the areas affected by the barriers, with a special emphasis on localities with registered refugees. Notes have been omitted due to space constraints. The full report is available online at www.un.org/unrwa.

Institutional actors: Children’s emerging beliefs about the causal structure of social roles

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Noyes ◽  
Frank Keil ◽  
Yarrow Dunham
Keyword(s):  
Soccer Player ◽  
Social Roles ◽  
Social Role ◽  
Causal Structure ◽  
Executive Orders ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
Children's Beliefs ◽  
Institutional Actors ◽  
The U.S

Institutions make new forms of acting possible: Signing executive orders, scoring goals, and officiating weddings are only possible because of the U.S. government, the rules of soccer, and the institution of marriage. Thus, when an individual occupies a particular social role (President, soccer player, and officiator) they acquire new ways of acting on the world. The present studies investigated children’s beliefs about institutional actions, and in particular whether children understand that individuals can only perform institutional actions when their community recognizes them as occupying the appropriate social role. Two studies (Study 1, N = 120 children, 4-11; Study 2, N = 90 children, 4-9) compared institutional actions to standard actions that do not depend on institutional recognition. In both studies, 4- to 5-year-old children believed all actions were possible regardless of whether an individual was recognized as occupying the social role. In contrast, 8- to 9-year-old children robustly distinguished between institutional and standard actions; they understood that institutional actions depend on collective recognition by a community.

Explaining Seat Changes in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1950–98

2002 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-405
Author(s):  
Brian Newman ◽  
Charles Ostrom
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
The U.S
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