scholarly journals Inequality, Migrations, and Black Swans: The Case of Italy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Giacomo Di Pasquale

This dissertation focuses on an empirical analysis on how inequality, internal and international mobility, and exogenous shocks interact with each other. With a focus on Italy, I provide an important contribution to existing literature on migration and inequality, through a comparative analysis at the subnational level. This characteristic of my work provides a unique opportunity to better understand inequality within countries. Using rigorous econometric and spatial techniques, as well as qualitative material, gathered from case studies and reports from international organizations, my dissertation contributes to the literature in social sciences on the causes and effects of inequality and on how it is shaped by state capacity, sudden events like earthquakes, international and internal mobility, and personal networks. Following the obtained results, I posit that it is up to local and national governments to implement effective policies of redistribution of wealth and services to reduce horizontal and vertical inequality. Furthermore, I believe particular attention should be dedicated to the least wealthy areas of the country, like the Center and the South, historically and consistently less developed than the North.

2018 ◽  
Vol 239 ◽  
pp. 04004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Svetlana Maydanova ◽  
Igor Ilin

The Single Window concept in the international trade and logistics has been explored by international organizations and national governments over the last two decades. International standards and recommendations, government decisions on this approach are widespread today in both developed and developing countries. Similar decisions and legal acts were implemented during the last ten years by the Russian Federation, as a member of the Eurasian Economic Union. This article provides overview of the following coherent stage – the implementation of preliminary customs informing system at sea check points of the RF with concerns of the Single Window introduction.


2013 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-293
Author(s):  
Rebecca Gould

This essay investigates the challenges facing Caucasus philology, by which I mean the institutional capacity to conduct deep research into the literary cultures of Azerbaijan Republic, Georgia, Daghestan, and Chechnya. I argue that the philological approach to the literary cultures of the Caucasus has been a casualty of the rise of areas studies in the North American academy during the Cold War, and that Cold War legacies continue to shape Caucasus Studies to this day. I conclude by offering three proposals for opening exchanges between the humanities and the social sciences within Caucasus Studies. More broadly, this essay argues for a rapprochement between the social sciences and philological inquiry vis-à-vis the Caucasus.


Author(s):  
H Klus ◽  
M Kunze ◽  
Beiträge Editors of

AbstractDietrich Hoffmann passed away on April 20, 2011, at his home in Larchmont, New York. He had suffered from Parkinson's disease for more than 20 years. With Dietrich Hoffmann's death the tobacco community lost one of its most prominent scientists, who was familiar with all areas of tobacco research. His work guided and influenced a whole generation of scientists working in the tobacco industry, universities, regulatory agencies, national governments or international organizations, such as the World Health Organization and the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC). It is an obligation of honor for the authors M. Kunze, H. Klus, and the editors of BeiträgezurTabakforschung International publish a short tribute in memory of Dietrich Hoffmann.


Author(s):  
Noriko Yajima

The problems to establish equitable benefit sharing of Traditional Knowledge (TK) associated with Genetic Resources (GRs) have been one of the main discussions in international negotiations. This chapter analyses how Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) could contribute to international organizations, national governments, and the private sector protecting TK associated with GRs in indigenous and local communities. This research uses the concept of the United Nations Triple Bottom Line Approach, which promotes balance among economic, environmental, and social imperatives towards sustainable development. This chapter illustrates the responsibility of international organizations by providing legally binding instruments. It also compares different national governments' responses to protect TK associated with GRs. Then, the chapter proposes that Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) could be the key to improving contradictions between legal and voluntary instruments in local communities and national and international governments. The analysis suggests that CSR is coherent with PPPs and might generate environmental, economic, and socio-economic challenges in the private and public sectors.


Author(s):  
Lisa M. Dellmuth ◽  
Jonas Tallberg

Abstract This article offers the first systematic and comparative analysis of the effects of elite communication on citizen perceptions of the legitimacy of international organizations (IOs). Departing from cueing theory, it develops novel hypotheses about the effects of elite communication under the specific conditions of global governance. It tests these hypotheses by conducting a population-based survey experiment among almost 10,000 residents of three countries in relation to five IOs. The evidence suggests four principal findings. First, communication by national governments and civil society organizations has stronger effects on legitimacy perceptions than communication by IOs themselves. Secondly, elite communication affects legitimacy perceptions irrespective of whether it invokes IOs’ procedures or performance as grounds for criticism or endorsement. Thirdly, negative messages are more effective than positive messages in shaping citizens' legitimacy perceptions. Fourthly, comparing across IOs indicates that elite communication is more often effective in relation to the IMF, NAFTA and WTO, than the EU and UN.


2019 ◽  
pp. 004912411988245
Author(s):  
Raffaele Vacca ◽  
Jeanne-Marie R. Stacciarini ◽  
Mark Tranmer

Multilevel models are increasingly used in sociology and other social sciences to analyze variation of tie outcomes in egocentrically sampled network data, particularly in studies of social support. Existing research assumes that the personal networks in the data do not overlap (i.e., they do not have actors in common), which makes standard hierarchical models suitable for analysis. This assumption is unrealistic in certain sampling designs, including the case of egos sampled from higher level groups or via link-tracing methods. We describe different types of ego-network overlap and propose a method to detect overlapping actors and analyze the resulting data with cross-classified multilevel models. The method is demonstrated with an application to research on personal networks and social support among Hispanic immigrants in rural U.S. destinations. Overlap detection and modeling result in better model fit, more correct partition of tie variation among different sources, and the ability to test new substantive hypotheses.


Author(s):  
Joseph Morgan Hodge

This chapter examines the degree of continuity and rupture between the colonial/post-colonial divide in Africa, and argues that the years between 1930 and the 1970s constitute a single, world historical period in which state-directed and managed plans for economic and social advancement were shared widely among colonial, national, and international organizations and states. It examines important shifts and breaks that occurred throughout the period, including barriers to implementing new development projects, massive strike actions, the view of development as a demand for post-colonial entitlements and rights, and how development became a part of the strategy for managing decolonization as a shared goal of both colonial officials and African nationalist leaders. It also discusses how both new national governments and international organizations like the World Bank sought to triumph where the colonizers had failed, including drafting ambitious development plans, launching large-scale mechanization schemes, and subsidizing the widespread use of artificial fertilizers.


Author(s):  
Richard Griffiths

In 1950, France, West Germany, Italy, and the Benelux countries started talks that would culminate in a treaty for a European Defence Community (EDC), a treaty that was signed but never ratified. The initiative for a common European army was the French response to the American demand for a rearmed Germany. Against the background of the North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950 and the numerical superiority of Soviet conventional ground forces on the European continent, US President Truman wanted to see the major increase in US defense capacity in Europe compensated by an equivalent effort in Europe, including a rearmament of Germany. For France, such rearmament, only five years after the end of World War II, was politically unacceptable. With the support of Jean Monnet, Prime Minister René Pléven proposed a scheme for a European army operating within the framework of a single political and military authority. The plan included a European defense minister, appointed by national governments and responsible to a Council of Ministers and a European Assembly. While each state would retain national defense and command structures, there would be no German defense ministry or army. The German troops would be recruited directly into the European army. The Treaty creating a European Defence Community was signed in Paris on May 27, 1952, by all six negotiation parties (Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, France, Italy, and Germany), but was not ratified by France, the initiator of the initiative. On August 30, 1954, the French Assembly decided not to put the EDC treaty to a vote, meaning that it in effect rejected the proposal for a European army. The problem of German rearmament was ultimately addressed by admitting West Germany into the Western Union, which was renamed the Western European Union, and by welcoming it as a member of NATO.


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