scholarly journals Research in AI has Implications for Society: How do we Respond?

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-73
Author(s):  
Henrik Skaug Sætra ◽  
Eduard Fosch-Villaronga
Keyword(s):  
Technology Development ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Scientific Activity ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Science Ethics ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
Do So ◽  
Ethics And Politics

Artificial intelligence (AI) offers previously unimaginable possibilities, solving problems faster and more creatively than before, representing and inviting hope and change, but also fear and resistance. Unfortunately, while the pace of technology development and application dramatically accelerates, the understanding of its implications does not follow suit. Moreover, while mechanisms to anticipate, control, and steer AI development to prevent adverse consequences seem necessary, the current power dynamics on which society should frame such development is causing much confusion. In this article we ask whether AI advances should be restricted, modified, or adjusted based on their potential legal, ethical, societal consequences. We examine four possible arguments in favor of subjecting scientific activity to stricter ethical and political control and critically analyze them in light of the perspective that science, ethics, and politics should strive for a division of labor and balance of power rather than a conflation. We argue that the domains of science, ethics, and politics should not conflate if we are to retain the ability to adequately assess the adequate course of action in light of AI‘s implications. We do so because such conflation could lead to uncertain and questionable outcomes, such as politicized science or ethics washing, ethics constrained by corporate or scientific interests, insufficient regulation, and political activity due to a misplaced belief in industry self-regulation. As such, we argue that the different functions of science, ethics, and politics must be respected to ensure AI development serves the interests of society.

scholarly journals Research in AI has Implications for Society: How do we Respond?

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-75
Author(s):  
Henrik Skaug Sætra ◽  
Eduard Fosch-Villaronga
Keyword(s):  
Technology Development ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Scientific Activity ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Science Ethics ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
Do So ◽  
Ethics And Politics

Artificial intelligence (AI) offers previously unimaginable possibilities, solving problems faster and more creatively than before, representing and inviting hope and change, but also fear and resistance. Unfortunately, while the pace of technology development and application dramatically accelerates, the understanding of its implications does not follow suit. Moreover, while mechanisms to anticipate, control, and steer AI development to prevent adverse consequences seem necessary, the current power dynamics on which society should frame such development is causing much confusion. In this article we ask whether AI advances should be restricted, modified, or adjusted based on their potential legal, ethical, societal consequences. We examine four possible arguments in favor of subjecting scientific activity to stricter ethical and political control and critically analyze them in light of the perspective that science, ethics, and politics should strive for a division of labor and balance of power rather than a conflation. We argue that the domains of science, ethics, and politics should not conflate if we are to retain the ability to adequately assess the adequate course of action in light of AI‘s implications. We do so because such conflation could lead to uncertain and questionable outcomes, such as politicized science or ethics washing, ethics constrained by corporate or scientific interests, insufficient regulation, and political activity due to a misplaced belief in industry self-regulation. As such, we argue that the different functions of science, ethics, and politics must be respected to ensure AI development serves the interests of society.

scholarly journals Research in AI has Implications for Society: How do we Respond?

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-75
Author(s):  
Henrik Skaug Sætra ◽  
Eduard Fosch-Villaronga
Keyword(s):  
Technology Development ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Scientific Activity ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Science Ethics ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
Do So ◽  
Ethics And Politics

Artificial intelligence (AI) offers previously unimaginable possibilities, solving problems faster and more creatively than before, representing and inviting hope and change, but also fear and resistance. Unfortunately, while the pace of technology development and application dramatically accelerates, the understanding of its implications does not follow suit. Moreover, while mechanisms to anticipate, control, and steer AI development to prevent adverse consequences seem necessary, the current power dynamics on which society should frame such development is causing much confusion. In this article we ask whether AI advances should be restricted, modified, or adjusted based on their potential legal, ethical, societal consequences. We examine four possible arguments in favor of subjecting scientific activity to stricter ethical and political control and critically analyze them in light of the perspective that science, ethics, and politics should strive for a division of labor and balance of power rather than a conflation. We argue that the domains of science, ethics, and politics should not conflate if we are to retain the ability to adequately assess the adequate course of action in light of AI‘s implications. We do so because such conflation could lead to uncertain and questionable outcomes, such as politicized science or ethics washing, ethics constrained by corporate or scientific interests, insufficient regulation, and political activity due to a misplaced belief in industry self-regulation. As such, we argue that the different functions of science, ethics, and politics must be respected to ensure AI development serves the interests of society.

scholarly journals Research in AI has Implications for Society: How do we Respond?

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-73
Author(s):  
Henrik Skaug Sætra ◽  
Eduard Fosch-Villaronga
Keyword(s):  
Technology Development ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Scientific Activity ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Science Ethics ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
Do So ◽  
Ethics And Politics

Artificial intelligence (AI) offers previously unimaginable possibilities, solving problems faster and more creatively than before, representing and inviting hope and change, but also fear and resistance. Unfortunately, while the pace of technology development and application dramatically accelerates, the understanding of its implications does not follow suit. Moreover, while mechanisms to anticipate, control, and steer AI development to prevent adverse consequences seem necessary, the current power dynamics on which society should frame such development is causing much confusion. In this article we ask whether AI advances should be restricted, modified, or adjusted based on their potential legal, ethical, societal consequences. We examine four possible arguments in favor of subjecting scientific activity to stricter ethical and political control and critically analyze them in light of the perspective that science, ethics, and politics should strive for a division of labor and balance of power rather than a conflation. We argue that the domains of science, ethics, and politics should not conflate if we are to retain the ability to adequately assess the adequate course of action in light of AI‘s implications. We do so because such conflation could lead to uncertain and questionable outcomes, such as politicized science or ethics washing, ethics constrained by corporate or scientific interests, insufficient regulation, and political activity due to a misplaced belief in industry self-regulation. As such, we argue that the different functions of science, ethics, and politics must be respected to ensure AI development serves the interests of society.

scholarly journals Risk, chance and danger in Classical Greek writing on battle

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-186
Author(s):  
Roel Konijnendijk
Keyword(s):  
Human Agency ◽  
Traditional View ◽  
Random Chance ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
Literary Sources ◽  
Do So

AbstractThis article highlights two aspects of the language used in Classical Greek literary sources to discuss pitched battle. First, the sources regularly use unqualified forms of the verb kinduneuein, “to take a risk,” when they mean fighting a battle. They do so especially in contexts of deliberation about the need to fight. Second, they often describe the outcome of major engagements in terms of luck, fate, and random chance, at the explicit expense of human agency. Taken together, these aspects of writing on war suggest that pitched battle was seen as an inherently risky course of action with unacceptably unpredictable results, which was therefore best avoided. Several examples show that the decision to fight was indeed evaluated in such terms. This practice casts further doubt on the traditional view that Greek armies engaged in pitched battles as a matter of principle.

scholarly journals A Secular Critique of Religious Ethics and Politics

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Cliteur
Keyword(s):  
Extreme Case ◽  
Moral Autonomy ◽  
Religious Ethics ◽  
Religious Leader ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Central Notion ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Do So ◽  
The Ideal ◽  
Ethics And Politics

This chapter discusses the difference between a nonsecular or religious critique of religious ethics and politics and a specifically secular critique. It introduces the central notion of a secular critique, autonomy, and its two types, moral and political. Moral autonomy entails the separation of religion from ethics. The ideal of making that separation is called “moral secularism.” The opposite of moral autonomy is “moral heteronomy.” An extreme case of moral heteronomy is discussed: Abraham’s willingness to sacrifice his own son when God commanded him to do so. Next, the importance of political autonomy and political secularism is illustrated with reference to the conflict between the king Ahab (the model of a secular ruler) and the prophet Elijah (the model of a religious leader). Some stories in the holy scriptures of the monotheist religions held in common by Judaism, Christianity, and Islam are unfavorable toward secularism (both moral and political).

Recombinant DNA: Science, ethics and politics

Gene ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-229
Author(s):  
W. Szybalski
Keyword(s):  
Recombinant Dna ◽  
Science Ethics ◽  
Ethics And Politics

scholarly journals De breuk van de 'daensistische' christendemocratie met het katholieke establishment en de 'katholieke' christendemocratie 1893-1914

2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-85
Author(s):  
Harry Van Velthoven
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberty ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Power Relationships ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
Deze Laatste ◽  
Political Program ◽  
Do So

Tussen 1884 en 1914 kende België homogeen katholieke regeringen. Wat veranderde de democratisering van het stemrecht in 1893 (algemeen meervoudig stemrecht voor mannen) en de invoering van de evenredige vertegenwoordiging in 1899 aan de machtsverhoudingen binnen de katholieke partij? De conservatieve kiesverenigingen werden toen extern met het socialisme en intern met een opstand van de middenklasse geconfronteerd. Katholieke subelites eisten namens een miljoen nieuwe kiezers de decratisering van de lijsten en de erkenning van deelgroepen op een gezamenlijke lijst. Dit vormt de bredere context ter verklaring van het vrij unieke parcours van de daensistische beweging. In welke mate slaagde de katholieke cijnselite erin haar politiek monopolie in de kiesverenigingen veilig te stellen en hoe deed ze dat? Hoe evolueerde de christendemocratie, die nog geen arbeidersbeweging was? Wat werd de aparte positie van de daensistische beweging en welke voorhoederol nam ze in?Parlementair mislukte de christendemocratische doorbraak in Vlaanderen. Zowel externe als interne oorzaken zorgden voor de genese van een ‘daensistische christendemocratie’ en haar ontwikkeling tot een zelfstandige partij, in tegenstelling tot een integrerende ‘katholieke christendemocratie’. Deze laatste zag haar linkerzijde verzwakt en werd een paternalistisch geleide organisatie. De daensistische beweging daarentegen radicaliseerde qua zelfdefiniëring en programmatische toenadering tot de linkerzijde op sociaal en politiek gebied. De kwestie van al dan niet kartelvorming met liberalen en socialisten tijdens verkiezingen zorgde echter voor een langdurige impasse. Naargelang de katholieke meerderheid in het parlement slonk, hoopten de daensisten scheidsrechter te kunnen worden. Tevergeefs. Wel kon de conservatieve regering vanaf 1907 de katholieke christendemocratie niet langer negeren, zodat haar boegfiguren minister werden. Hun opstelling verscherpte de confrontatie met de daensisten. De voorhoederol van die beweging bleek ook op een andere manier. Gezien het gebrek aan toegeeflijkheid bij de conservatieven en het episcopaat zouden zowel katholieke christendemocraten als katholieke flaminganten in het decennium voor 1914 hun burgerlijke vrijheid in politieke kwesties moeten inroepen en steun van de oppositie nodig hebben om een aantal cruciale eisen te forceren.________The Rupture of “Daensist” Christian-Demo-cracy from the Catholic Establishment and “Catholic” Christian Democracy, 1893-1914Between 1884 and 1914, Belgium had homogeneous Catholic governments. How did the democratisation of the suffrage in 1893 (general multiple suffrage for men) and the introduction of proportional representation in 1899 change power relationships within the Catholic Party? Conservative electoral associations were confronted externally with socialism and internally with a revolting middle class. In the name of a million new voters Catholic subelites demanded democratisation of electoral lists and the recognition of subgroups within a common list. This formed the broader context that explains the very unique trajectory of the Daensist Movement. To what extent did the Catholic censitary elite succeed in securing its political monopoly in electoral associations and how did it do so? How did Christian Democracy, which was not yet a workers’ movement, evolve? What were the particular positions of the Daensist Movement, and what role did they play in the vanguard?In Flanders, the Christian Democratic breakthrough failed in parliament. External as well as internal causes saw to the birth of a ‘Daensist Christian Democracy’ and its development toward an independent party, in contrast to the integration of the ‘Catholic Christian Democracy’. The latter saw its left wing weakened, and became a paternalistically-run organization. The Daensist Movement on the other hand radicalized its self-definition and political program towards the left parties. However, forming a coalition with Liberals and Socialists during elections caused a serious, long-lasting impasse. As the Catholic majority in Parliament shrank, the Daensists hoped to hold the balance of power – in vain. However, the conservative government could not, from 1907 onward, neglect Catholic Christian Democracy, so that leading personalities of the movement became ministers. Their accession to these positions and their political attitude sharpened the confrontation with the Daensists. The vanguard role of the Daensist movement appeared in another manner as well. Given the lack of permissiveness on the part of the conservatives as well as the episcopate, Catholic Christian Democrats and Catholic flamingants had to invoke their civil liberty in political questions, and needed support of the opposition in order to force a few crucial demands through.

scholarly journals A Critique of the ‘Paleo Diet’

1969 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Ashley Reeves
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Technical Solution ◽  
Food Regime ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
The Social ◽  
Consumption Practices ◽  
Paleo Diet ◽  
Global Food ◽  
Do So

Relatively little has been written about the social, economic and political dynamics and relationships that are engendered through Paleo culture. Examining the tensions within and between the ‘Paleo Diet’ principles and practices reveals the application of a technical solution to a structural problem: power dynamics created at an individual and group level by the Paleo culture reveals an emergent food classism rooted in socio-economic and racialized inequalities. Participation in and adherence to the Paleo lifestyle (or the inability to do so) creates particular types of social subjects and subjectivities based on the implicit moralization of food and consumption practices. While the Paleo Diet reflects millenarian apprehensions about the state of the contemporary world and concerns with global food quality and food insecurity, it is dependent on and exacerbates the socio-economic dynamics and marginalizing practices of a global food regime that it seeks to critique and abandon.

The Clash of Power and Nationalism: The Sino-Japan Territorial Dispute

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jihyun Kim
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Territorial Dispute ◽  
Regional Power ◽  
The East China Sea ◽  
Security Dilemma ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Lasting Peace ◽  
East Asian Security ◽  
Wild Cards

The East Asian security order has been affected by the increasing rivalry between China and Japan in recent years against the backdrop of the evolving Sino-Japan balance of power and the renewed nationalism in both countries. These developments have emerged as powerful wild cards, reinforcing the security dilemma and undermining the prospect for building a lasting peace between these two major powers in the region. This research is designed to examine Sino-Japan relations as well as the overall security order in East Asia. In particular, it looks into how the politics of nationalism intertwined with the changing regional power dynamics could affect the East China Sea dispute by creating an environment more conducive to bilateral tensions rather than mutual trust and cooperation.

Gascony and the International Context 1243–1252

Henry III ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 489-511
Author(s):  
David Carpenter
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Significant Shift ◽  
International Context ◽  
External Attack ◽  
Do So

This chapter describes how, before his departure from Gascony in the autumn of 1243, Henry III had worked hard to set the province to rights. He had toured the duchy, reconciled competing factions, maintained his rights, and bolstered the defences against external attack, or at least tried to do so. But, as a would-be conqueror of Gascony had once said, it was like trying to plough the seashore. For the next ten years, Henry was never free from Gascon worries. They led him in 1248 to place the duchy under Simon de Montfort and, when that ended in disaster, they forced him in 1253 to go there himself, despite being now pledged to go on crusade. Henry's concentration on Gascony and commitment to the crusade reflected the more general international situation, which left him with little else to do. There was no chance of attempting to recover the lost continental empire. Indeed, the ten years between Henry's two sojourns in Gascony in 1243 and 1253 saw a significant shift in the European balance of power towards the Capetian kings of France.

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