Rechtsextremismus

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Salzborn

Right-wing extremism is an omnipresent topic in academia and the public sphere. But what exactly characterises right-wing extremism? How does it manifest itself? What explanations are there for the emergence of right-wing extremism? How can it be successfully combated? The fourth updated and expanded edition of this volume provides an overview of the state of research into these questions and presents the central controversies in the field of social science research on right-wing extremism. It presents the world view and history of right-wing extremism, the characteristics of its manifestations, such as political parties, movements, the media, music and the Internet, and formulates an overall assessment of contemporary right-wing extremism. In addition, the book discusses explanatory approaches at the point where the following converge and clash: extremism theory and ‘extremism of the centre’; authoritarianism, socialisation and gender; the youth protest axiom and the theories of social movement and social disintegration.

2021 ◽  
pp. 147377952198934
Author(s):  
Lucia Zedner

The growth of right-wing extremism, especially where it segues into hate crime and terrorism, poses new challenges for governments, not least because its perpetrators are typically lone actors, often radicalized online. The United Kingdom has struggled to define, tackle or legitimate against extremism, though it already has an extensive array of terrorism-related offences that target expression, encouragement, publication and possession of terrorist material. In 2019, the United Kingdom went further to make viewing terrorist-related material online on a single occasion a crime carrying a 15-year maximum sentence. This article considers whether UK responses to extremism, particularly those that target non-violent extremism, are necessary, proportionate, effective and compliant with fundamental rights. It explores whether criminalizing the curiosity of those who explore radical political ideas constitutes legitimate criminalization or overextends state power and risks chilling effects on freedom of speech, association, academic freedom, journalistic enquiry and informed public debate—all of which are the lifeblood of a liberal democracy.


Cubic Journal ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 32-47
Author(s):  
Tanja Godlewsky

The design analysis of the media presented in this article focuses on the representation of female musicians, looking at the ways in which they stage both themselves and their gender in music videos. According to my observation, the visual portrayal of female artists has been defined by a long history of stereotypical gender representations that have to be overcome. In the music videos published by female musicians, we can observe design strategies for self-portrayal and gender staging, as well as sources of aesthetic inspirations and trends. Different oppositional design strategies are described that either blur gender, provoke the viewer or overcome stereotypical gender representations.


Author(s):  
Nicholas Charron

This chapter discusses a wide scope of the available indicators of quality of government. It begins with a brief history of the development of the indicators and their scientific impact on social science research. The chapter posits a typology of the various ways in which indicators of governance can differ and implications of such differences. The chapter then reveals the degree to which contemporary cross-country indicators of corruption in particular correlate. Next, several well-established critiques of contemporary data are presented. The chapter concludes with several comments on what makes a good quality indicator and puts for several suggestions for future work in this ever-growing field.


2011 ◽  
pp. 168-190
Author(s):  
Kinga Schlesinger

The article scrutinises the issue of right-wing extremism in Germany in recent years. The analysis leads to the conclusion that this problem is gathering in force in the UE while in Germany it is tending to diminish. The anti-extremism actions undertaken in Germany are so significant that they may provide a sui generis model for the other EU states and the European Commission to follow. The article describes, how right-wing extremism is prevented and countered, in particular as exemplified by Germany. Anti-extremist actions are carried out with regard to various entities and in various fields, namely, legislation, justice, administration, education, the media and NGOs. The article provides a review of anti-extremism strategies applied by the state bodies to the extreme right-wing parties, from marginalising them, in the case of Germany, to accepting them into ruling coalitions, in the case of Austria. The author’s considerations lead her to the conclusion that the main target groups in anti-extremist actions should be the youth and journalists.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Arie W. Kruglanski ◽  
David Webber ◽  
Daniel Koehler

In Chapter 1, the reader is introduced to the current context within which right-wing extremism in Europe occurs. The chapter begins with a discussion of the changing political and economic environments within Europe and the United States that have increased the appeal and expression of right-wing views over the past decade. Issues discussed include ramifications of globalization, refugee migration into Europe, populism, the electoral success of right-wing parties, and the history of national socialism in Germany. The actual extent of right-wing militancy is juxtaposed to the relatively modest concern expressed toward right-wing, relative to Islamic extremism. Finally, the reader is introduced to the specific conceptual approach taken by the authors in examining German right-wing extremism.


Author(s):  
John Coakley ◽  
Jennifer Todd

This chapter traces the history of the relationship between the two communities in Northern Ireland and the tension between the British and Irish governments within which it was traditionally embedded. It documents the process of incremental—and sometimes radical—societal change that has transformed the nature of the conflict, as the overwhelmingly dominant position of the unionist community has been replaced by a more evenly balanced relationship. Associated with this has been the evolution of institutional machinery designed to facilitate conflict resolution and the emergence of effective channels of communication between British and Irish elites. The chapter describes the manner in which the testimonies of these elites were collected as part of research on the process of negotiation of peace in Northern Ireland. It assesses the value of elite interviews and witness seminars as significant source material for social science research.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. St. Pierre

Because post qualitative inquiry uses an ontology of immanence from poststructuralism as well as transcendental empiricism, it cannot be a social science research methodology with preexisting research methods and research practices a researcher can apply. In fact, it is methodology-free and so refuses the demands of “application.” Recommendations for those interested in post qualitative inquiry include putting methodology aside and, instead, reading widely across philosophy, social theories, and the history of science and social science to find concepts that reorient thinking. Post qualitative inquiry encourages concrete, practical experimentation and the creation of the not yet instead of the repetition of what is.


Author(s):  
Meda Chesney-Lind ◽  
Nicholas Chagnon

Though it is generally given less attention than sexual assault, domestic violence is quite often depicted in corporate media products, including news broadcasts, television shows, and films. Mediated depictions of domestic violence share many of the same problems as those of sexual assault. In particular, the media tends to imply that women are somehow culpable when they are being beaten, even murdered, by their partners. News on domestic violence is often reported in a routine manner that focuses on minutiae instead of context, informing audiences minimally about the nature, extent, and causes of domestic violence. Though it is encouraging that over the past several decades the media has begun to acknowledge that domestic violence is a serious problem, this recognition is challenged by antifeminist claims-making in the media. Such challenges generally cite contested social science research as proof that feminist research on domestic violence is biased and inaccurate. Furthermore, media representations of domestic violence often supply racializing and class-biased discourses about abusers and their victims that frame domestic violence as largely the product of marginalized classes, rather a problem that affects the various strata of society. Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, media coverage of the violence against women abroad, particularly in Islamic nations, has provided more racializing discourse, which juxtaposes “progressive” Western cultures with “backward” Eastern ones. On the domestic front, news focusing on indigenous communities replicates some of the racism inherent in the orientalist gaze applied to domestic violence abroad. Generally, the media do a poor job of cultivating a sophisticated understanding of domestic violence among the public. Thus, many researchers argue such media representations constitute a hegemonic patriarchal ideology, which obfuscates the issue of domestic violence, as well as the underlying social relations that create the phenomenon.


Author(s):  
Andrea Botto Stuven

The Documentation Center of the Contemporary History of Chile (CIDOC), which belongs to the Universidad Finis Terrae (Santiago), has a digital archive that contains the posters and newspapers inserts of the anti-communist campaign against Salvador Allende’s presidential candidacy in 1964. These appeared in the main right-wing newspapers of Santiago, between January and September of 1964. Although the collection of posters in CIDOC is not complete, it is a resource of great value for those who want to research this historical juncture, considering that those elections were by far the most contested and conflicting in the history of Chile during the 20th Century, as it implicted the confrontation between two candidates defending two different conceptions about society, politics, and economics. On the one hand, Salvador Allende, the candidate of the Chilean left; on the other, Eduardo Frei, the candidate of the Christian Democracy, coupled with the traditional parties of the Right. While the technical elements of the programs of both candidates did not differ much from each other, the political campaign became the scenario for an authentic war between the “media” that stood up for one or the other candidate. Frei’s anticommunist campaign had the financial aid of the United States, and these funds were used to gather all possible resources to create a real “terror” in the population at the perspective of the Left coming to power. The Chilean Left labeled this strategy of using fear as the “Terror Campaign.”


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document