A Collective ‘I’ and Its Contending Readings

Author(s):  
Jing Meng

Chapter 5 investigates the television serial drama Sent-Down Youth to discover how personal memories are used to provide pedagogical lessons and to build up a collective imagination of the past. The television drama is presented as a critique of the Cultural Revolution against the backdrop of the rising fever for the ‘Red Culture’ campaign in Chongqing, but it also exalts the idealism and altruism of the Cultural Revolution generation and criticizes materialism in contemporary society. Socialism here is associated with idealism, collectivism, and passion. However, the audience may also apply their understandings of the political context and personal memories to decode the representation, producing diversified and contested readings of the television drama. Television—being state owned and the mouthpiece of the party-state—both limits and enables the proliferation of multiple personal memories and discourses about the past and the present.

1983 ◽  
Vol 94 ◽  
pp. 304-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Clark

It is difficult to be objective about the Cultural Revolution. Difficulties were encountered during the event itself (which is variously defined as the years 1966–69 or, less usefully, the whole period 1966–76) by its proponents and its victims. With the reversal of the political fortunes of the victims, objectivity seemed even more unlikely. But as 1976 (or 1969) moved further into the past, even in China a more measured assessment of the significance of the Cultural Revolution and its aftermath began to be made at all levels (both official and unofficial) of the political public.


1981 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-46
Author(s):  
Ulf Haxen

The conquest of Spain by the Arabs, allegedly prompted by leaders of the Jewish population after the fall of the Visigothic regime, 711, opened up an era in Medieval European history which stands unmatched as far as cultural enlightenment is concerned. Philosophy, belles lettres and the natural sciences flourished in the academies established by the Arab savants in the main urban centres. In the wake of the cultural revolution, a new branch of scholarship came into being – Hebrew philology. From the midst of this syncretistic, Mozarabic, milieu a remarkable poetic genre emerged. The study of Mozarabic (from Arabic, musta’riba, to become Arabicized) poetry has proved as one of the most fertile and controversial fields of research for Semitist and Romanist scholars during the past decades.


Author(s):  
Б.Б. Хубиев ◽  
◽  
Х.Б. Мамсиров ◽  

The article aims to reveal the scientific contribution of M.Kh. Gerandokov. in the study of the problems of cultural development in the region, a conceptual approach to complex issues of the theory of culture, ethics, aesthetics. Particular emphasis is placed on the scientist’s innovative contribution to the historical and philosophical science and cultural studies, putting forward a new paradigmatic concept of national culture. In this direction, paying tribute to the cultural achievements of the previous era, he puts forward the concept of the «incompleteness» of the cultural revolution and theoretically defends the ways of its new stage in modern conditions. It is not about the alternative assessment of the culture of the past and the present, but about the author’s ability to see cultural phenomena in dialectical development. A huge amount of historical archival and other factual material in the context of the new methodology is correlated with the historical reality of the results of the cultural revolution, which, as it is recognized, were not adequate to the content of the theory of the cultural revolution, which formed the basis of the paradigm of its incompleteness. The authors consider the theoretical concept of M.Kh. Gerandokov. as a scientifically grounded attempt to bring the national culture closer to the system of modern civilization. The merits of Mikhail Khamzetovich in the integration of science and practice of cultural and educational activities are also noted.


1973 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 450-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellis Joffe

Whatever may have been the objectives of the principal participants in the Cultural Revolution, there can be little doubt that they did not include what turned out to be, at least in the short term, the most striking and significant outcome of the upheaval: the rise of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) to a pivotal position in China's power structure. Compelled to intervene in the political process when the disruptive effects of the struggle reached dangerous dimensions, the army gradually ascended to the commanding heights of political power in the provinces, and acquired a substantial voice in the policy-making councils of Peking. When the Ninth Congress of the Party finally met in April 1969 to write the epilogue to the Cultural Revolution, it was the PLA rather than the Party that held most of the key positions of power in China.


2016 ◽  
Vol 227 ◽  
pp. 653-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Russo

AbstractA number of prolonged political experiments in Chinese factories during the Cultural Revolution proved that, despite any alleged “historical” connection between the Communist Party and the “working class,” the role of the workers, lacking a deep political reinvention, was framed by a regime of subordination that was ultimately not dissimilar from that under capitalist command. This paper argues that one key point of Deng Xiaoping's reforms derived from taking these experimental results into account accurately but redirecting them towards the opposite aim, an even more stringent disciplining of wage labour. The outcome so far is a governmental discourse which plays an important role in upholding the term “working class” among the emblems of power, while at the same time nailing the workers to an unconditional obedience. The paper discusses the assumption that, while this stratagem is one factor behind the stabilization of the Chinese Communist Party, it has nonetheless affected the decline of the party systems inherited from the 20th century.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Sneath

A number of papers have been written in the west on the subject of the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia. Hyer and Heaton's (1968) account of the period in the China Quarterly deals with events up until 1968, and relies heavily upon an analysis of the news reports broadcast by Radio Inner Mongolia at that time. The paper focuses upon the fate of Ulanhu, the Chairman of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region who fell from power during the Cultural Revolution. Hyer and Heaton are concerned primarily with the power struggles within the political apparatus, and they include no first-hand or eyewitness accounts. The paper gives no indication of the effects of the Cultural Revolution upon the great bulk of the population of the I.M.A.R., either Mongolian or Han Chinese. However, the article does carefully document the rapidly changing tide of Inner Mongolian government policy and the emergence of populist groups which challenged the political establishment, over the period 1965 to 1968.


1999 ◽  
Vol 160 ◽  
pp. 1019-1035 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary G. Mazur

On 17 May 1996 at the 30th anniversary of the beginning of the Great Cultural Revolution, a group of about 40 people met in the number two crypt at Babaoshan national cemetery on the western outskirts of Beijing where the ashes of China's highest elite are interred. They met at that particular time in memory of four men who had been declared traitors and enemies of the state in 1966 at the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. In this crypt are kept the ashes of three of the men, Deng Tuo, Wu Han and Liu Ren. The ashes of the fourth, Liao Mosha, were scattered, according to his wishes, at the foot of a tree beneath the Great Wall.


1974 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
pp. 203-224

Different currents appeared to be at play in the political events of the quarter, with many of the trends being unclear or only barely discernible. One expected event which did not take place was the convening of the National People's Congress; the absence of which is also giving grounds for believing that many political problems remained unsolved. While it appeared, particularly in the field of foreign relations, that the post-10th Congress leadership, dominated by Chou En-lai and including in the second rank many of those prominently abused during the Cultural Revolution, remained firmly in control, there also appeared to be a re-emergence of some of the ideological formulations of the Cultural Revolution. The slogan “going against the tide is a Marxist-Leninist principle,” which had been attributed to Mao during the 10th Congress in August, was frequently repeated, although with markedly different emphasis in different provinces, and the war-cry of the Cultural Revolution, “to rebel is justified,” reappeared, although without national prominence. Some of the more abstruse press discussion even suggested the possibility that Chou En-lai himself was under pressure despite the apparent dominance and security of his position.


Author(s):  
Hella Eckardt ◽  
Gundula Müldner

This chapter examines the main sources of evidence for mobility in the Roman period, focusing on epigraphy, material culture, and new scientific techniques, specifically isotopic analysis, evaluating strengths and weaknesses of each approach. Employing diaspora theory and hybridization models, it also asks broader questions of how interactions and relationships between incomers and locals can be modelled. Finally, and acknowledging that there is now an increased awareness of the political context in which research on emotive themes such as migration is conceived and conducted, we review some recently developed educational resources and their potential impact on public perceptions of mobility in the past.


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