The Political economy of the Persian Gulf

2013 ◽  
Vol 50 (08) ◽  
pp. 50-4562-50-4562
Author(s):  
Yaron Harel

This chapter examines the Jewish minority in Syria in 1840, when the Damascus affair took place and ended when economic disaster overtook Damascus Jewry. It highlights profound changes in Ottoman imperial rule and society in Syria from 1840, when Ottoman rule was reinstated. It also analyses shifts in Jewish society against the broad background of the political, social, and economic changes that took place in Syria. The chapter looks at the difference between the Jewish communities of Damascus and Aleppo with regard to social structure, economic endeavour, communal leadership and organization, and education. It recounts Jewish merchants in both Damascus and Aleppo in 1840 that engaged in international trade via the camel caravans that travelled between the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean Sea.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Soubrier

This article considers the politics and economics of arms trade in the Persian Gulf from the perspective of the importers, rather than the usual focus on the exporters. It analyses the purposes that weapons purchases have served over the last three decades for three of the most important Middle Eastern arms importers—the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar. This shows an increasingly blurred divide between the political, economic and strategic dimensions of the arms trade. It suggests an important shift in the relations between the arms client/importing states, supplier/exporting states, and defense industrial companies.


Author(s):  
Barbara Davidde

South Arabian kingdoms based their wealth and power on agriculture and the export of incense and other aromatics so much appreciated in the ancient world. After Aelius Gallus’ campaign against Arabia Felix in 25–24 BC, Roman trade by sea with the region greatly increased compared to the overland caravan routes. This chapter summarizes the political situation in Arabia Felix in those times through the analysis of archaeological, historical, and numismatic evidence and focuses on the harbours and mooring places along the Yemenite and Omani coasts. Italian underwater research at Qanaʾ discovered the ancient anchorage, with ceramics dating between the first and the end of the sixth century AD, with a higher percentage before the fourth century AD. Typological and petrological study suggests the close involvement of the Arabian Peninsula in the web of trade routes that connected the Roman world via the Red Sea with India, and the Persian Gulf.


Arabica ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fanny Bessard

In the 1st/7th and the early 2nd/8th centuries, the Arab-Muslim conquest united two immense territories, once separated by a shifting border joining the Black sea to the Persian Gulf. To the East, the Arab-Muslims dominated Central Asia and the long-held Asian empire of the Sassanids that reached as far as the Chinese and Indian borders. To the West, they controlled the southern part of the Eastern and Western Roman empires. In the 2nd/8th century, the area conquered thus formed a narrow belt of lands from the Atlantic to the Chinese borders and from Georgia to Yemen. The Middle East became a converging hub of merchants and commercial goods. The article aims to discuss the political and social mechanisms involved in redrawing the map of the routes in the Mašriq from the early Umayyads in 41/661 to the death of caliph al-Muktafī in 295/908. It investigates the impact the evolution of road networks had on settlement patterns and economic strategies. Au ier/viie et au début du iie/viiie siècle, la conquête arabo-musulmane réunit deux immenses territoires, jusqu’alors séparés par une frontière au tracé mouvant joignant la mer Noire au golfe Persique. À l’Est, les Arabo-musulmans dominent l’Asie centrale et l’ancien empire asiatique des Sassanides jusqu’aux confins chinois, et à l’Ouest, la partie méridionale des empires romains d’Orient et d’Occident. L’espace conquis forme au iie/viiie siècle une étroite ceinture de terres de l’Atlantique aux confins de la Chine et de la Géorgie au Yémen. Dans cet espace immense, jusque-là si divisé, le Proche-Orient devient le pôle de convergence des marchands et des biens. Cette reconfiguration géopolitique du Proche-Orient au début de l’Islam entraîne des changements décisifs. L’enjeu de cet article est d’appréhender par quels mécanismes politiques et sociaux la carte des réseaux routiers du Mašriq a été redessinée entre le début du règne des Omeyyades en 41/661 et le décès du calife al-Muktafī en 295/908. Il s’agit d’explorer quel impact l’évolution des trafics eut sur les dynamiques de peuplement et sur les échanges. This article is in French.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1850247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hossein Askari ◽  
Scheherazade S. Rehman ◽  
Noora Arfaa

Corruption has been and continues to be evident in all societies, with differences only in manifestation and degrees. We focus on the manifestation and impact of corruption in the Persian Gulf oil-exporting countries and benchmark these countries against a set of non-oil-exporting Islamic countries and major non-Islamic oil-exporting countries. We first measure the degree of corruption in these countries using five of the most widely accepted direct and indirect indices of corruption. We then examine the relationship between corruption and various indicators of economic, social, and human development. Finally, we examine the association between corruption and oil endowment and the Islamic label, two common characteristics of the countries in the Persian Gulf. As such, the key focus of the paper is on the manifestation and impact of corruption in the Persian Gulf oil-exporting countries from a political-economy stand point and measurement of the impact of corruption on economic, social, and human development in the region. It should be mentioned that this paper was written before the blossoming of the “2011 Arab Spring.” The major reasons, to varying degrees, for the protests in the Mideast and North Africa have been because of decades of economic deprivation, autocratic rule, political injustice, institutional corruption, and human rights violations.


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