Minister of Food, 1943

2020 ◽  
pp. 207-230
Keyword(s):  
Newspaper Coverage ◽  
Site Management ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War

Diary extracts and correspondence, thematically arranged, with extensive footnotes identifying newspaper coverage of Woolton’s policies and actions on rationing in the last 11 months of his time as Minister of Food. It reveals his consciousness that his work at the Ministry was no longer the challenge it had been, especially during 1941 and 1942, and that he was thinking of returning to his business career rather than carrying on at the Ministry. He continued to be frustrated by party politicking, and while retaining his consciousness of the importance of continuing the management of the media to retain popular support for Ministry policies, his enjoyment of that role is inflected by a weariness over the split-site management dimension. His relations with Churchill and fellow politicians were a factor and his consciousness that the tide of war had turned in the Allies favour is revealed when he voiced a number of criticisms of Churchillian strategy in prioritising the war fronts over evolving strategies for post-war reconstruction, leading up to his reaction to Churchill offering him the post of Minister in the new Ministry of Reconstruction that Churchill had proposed. .

The Social Construction of Corporate Violence: Media Coverage of the Imperial Food Products Fire

1995 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Wright ◽  
Francis T. Cullen ◽  
Michael B. Blankenship
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
White Collar Crime ◽  
Food Products ◽  
White Collar ◽  
Newspaper Coverage ◽  
Processing Plant ◽  
Criminal Convictions ◽  
Safety Regulations ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Media

Although investigative reports have contributed to the social movement against white-collar crime, few studies assess the extent to which the media socially construct corporate violence as a “crime.” We examine this issue through a content analysis of newspaper coverage of the fire-related deaths of 25 workers at the Imperial Food Products chicken-processing plant, which resulted in the company's owner pleading guilty to manslaughter. The analysis revealed that newspaper reports largely attributed the deaths to the lax enforcement of safety regulations but did not initially construct the deaths as a crime or subsequently publicize the criminal convictions.

scholarly journals Konspiratorzy w Policji Polskiej i Polskiej Policji Kryminalnej w Krakowie w latach 1939‒1945

2020 ◽  
Vol 147 (3) ◽  
pp. 597-618
Author(s):  
Michał Chlipała
Keyword(s):  
Communist Regime ◽  
General Government ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
Popular Image

Conspirators in the Polish Blue Police and Polish Criminal Police in Kraków during 1939‒1945 The article describes the history of Polish pre-war policemen who were forced to continue their service in the Polish Police in the General Government (the so-called Blue Police), created by German occupying authorities. Many of these policemen, faithful to the oath they had made before the war, worked for the Polish Underground State. In Kraków, the capital of the General Government, in the Autumn of 1939, Polish policemen began to create conspiracy structures, which gradually became one of the most effective Polish intelligence networks. Thanks to them, the Home Army, subordinated to the Polish Government-in-exile in London, could learn the secrets of the Kraków Gestapo and the German police. Despite the enormous efforts of the German counter-intelligence machine and the losses among the conspirators, they worked out the exact structure of the German forces in Kraków, helped the persecuted population and infiltrated secret German institutions. In post-war Poland, many of them experienced persecution at the hands of the communist regime. Most of them preferred to keep their wartime experiences secret. To this day their activities are poorly known, being suppressed by the popular image of a Polish policeman-collaborator created by the media.

scholarly journals Twenty-five years of cyber threats in the news: a study of Swedish newspaper coverage (1995–2019)

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Max Boholm
Keyword(s):  
Informal Learning ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Newspaper Coverage ◽  
Threat Perception ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Unauthorized Access ◽  
News Reports ◽  
Cyber Threats ◽  
The Media ◽  
Over Time

Abstract This paper explores how cyber threats are represented in Swedish newspapers. The sample comprises 1269 articles from three newspapers (Aftonbladet, Göteborgs-Posten, and Svenska Dagbladet) covering 25 years (1995–2019). The study provides a text-near and detailed analysis of the threats covered. The study analyzes these threats along several dimensions: their modality (e.g. unauthorized access or manipulation); to what extent ambiguous themes (e.g. attack, crime, and warfare) are specified in context; how cyber-threat coverage has changed over time; and the event orientation of the coverage, i.e. whether articles address topical events and, if so, which ones. There are five main findings. First, the Swedish newspaper cybersecurity discourse covers multiple threats; in total, 34 themes (present in at least 4% of articles) have been identified. Second, the representation of cyber threats varies in specificity. While generic themes such as attack and warfare are mostly specified in terms of their modality, they sometimes are not, leaving the representation vague. Third, this study, given its general approach, provides insights into media representations of particular cyber threats. For example, this study finds the meaning of “hacking” in the media to be more diversified and nuanced than previously assumed (e.g. as simply meaning “computer break-in”). Fourth, newspaper coverage of cyber threats has changed over time, in both quantity (i.e. the amount of coverage has increased) and quality, as three general trends have been observed: the state-ification and militarization of threats (i.e. increased attention to, e.g. nations and warfare as threats), the organization-ification of threats (i.e. increased attention to, e.g. government agencies and companies as threats), and the diversification and hyping of threats (i.e. cumulatively more threats are added to the cybersecurity discourse, although attention to particular threats is sometimes restricted in time). Finally, parallel to coverage of particular topical events (e.g. the “I love you” virus), newspaper representations of cyber threats largely exemplify “amplification without the event,” i.e. threats are covered without linking them to topical events, as is otherwise typical of news reports. The findings in relation to previous studies of cybersecurity discourse and the implications for informal learning and threat perception are discussed.

scholarly journals The Invisible Institution? Reconstructing the History of BAFTA and the 1958 Merger of the British Film Academy with the Guild of Television Producers and Directors

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-472
Author(s):  
Emma Pett ◽  
Helen Warner
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
Creative Industries ◽  
British Society ◽  
Film And Television ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War ◽  
Training Schemes ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Television Producers

As a cultural institution of national and global significance, the British Academy of Film and Television Arts (BAFTA) is notably absent from existing scholarship on the media industries. More importantly, BAFTA's role as an independent arts charity set up by the industry to support and develop new talent is often overlooked. Instead, references to BAFTA made by media and film scholars most frequently take the form of footnotes or digressions that detail particular awards or nominations. Drawing on a range of archival sources, including BAFTA's own records, we address this significant omission within existing scholarship on the British cultural and creative industries. In particular, we examine the period 1947–68, focusing on the 1958 merger of the British Film Academy with the Guild of Television Producers and Directors to form a new institution, known as the Society of Film and Television Arts (SFTA, later renamed BAFTA). This was achieved despite the well-documented tensions existing between the two industries throughout the period, which we identify and analyse within this historical context. We argue that a crucial factor driving the 1958 merger was the desire to develop quality training schemes across both industries. This, in turn, was partly enabled by an egalitarian turn in post-war British society towards the development of greater social equality and mobility. In reconstructing these events, we therefore interrogate and reassess the role played by this key national institution on the development of the creative and cultural industries, offering an expansion and revision of scholarship on media histories of post-war Britain.

Desperate Housewives and Soccer Moms: Examining the relationship between media representations and the lived reality of women in the suburbs

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica White
Keyword(s):  
Real Life ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Media Images ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Original Question ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Historical Examination

Has suburbia ever truly met the needs of the populations it claims to serve? Since its creation suburbia has been a centre of conflict between the image created by the media and lived realities. The post war images of femininity in the suburbs were ones of domesticity and a heteronormative family. In essence the “sitcom” family was created and reality was made to look like its television counterpart. Yet in real life, did any family look like that of Leave it to Beaver? Have our ideals of the perfect family living in the perfect house truly changed? If they have changed have they had an effect on policy makers and land developers? A brief historical examination of suburbia, its creation, and media images will be contrasted with the developments and policies we find in today’s suburbia. To partially answer my original question the demographic of women in suburbia, more specifically mothers will be discussed. Are today’s media images of suburbia a better depiction of lived realities or are urban political processes still at play to perpetuate an ideal image?

3. Arguing

2020 ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Tony Wright
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Public Ownership ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Big Society ◽  
The Media ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Post War ◽  
Market Capitalism

‘Arguing: the politics of ideas’ characterizes Britain’s political culture as one of institutionalized adversarialism. Arguments from the ‘left’ and ‘right’ are framed by debates and the media in terms of ‘for’ and ‘against’. Three political periods have changed the character of British politics—those of Attlee, Thatcher, and Blair, which respectively saw a post-war rebuilding, a move away from the state and towards market capitalism, and Labour’s move away from public ownership towards a broad ‘third way’. David Cameron’s ‘Big Society’ was derailed by austerity politics and the results of the 2016 referendum, seen as a victory for the outsiders that left the insiders struggling to respond.

scholarly journals Re-framing free movement in the countdown to Brexit? Shifting UK press portrayals of EU migrants in the wake of the referendum

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 594-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Morrison
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Free Movement ◽  
Economic Costs ◽  
Setting Process ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War

This article argues that long-standing press portrayals of economic migrants as threats to Britain’s economic wellbeing underwent a marked turn immediately after the 2016 ‘Brexit’ referendum. Following an intense campaign during which most national newspapers problematised European Union free movement, the month after the vote saw even ‘Euro-sceptic’ titles shift towards emphasising the economic costs of ending it. Within six months, however, discourses framing migrants as ‘invaders’ and/or ‘exploiters’ resurfaced. The article conceptualises the immediate post-referendum period as one of discursive aftershock, as key actors struggled to absorb the outcome and newspapers accustomed to years of spoon-feeding with simplistic pro- and anti-European Union rhetoric scrambled to find fresh sources of newsworthy conflict in a ‘post-war’ climate. In so doing, it contributes to our understanding of the multidirectional complexity of the agenda-setting process, by showing how shifts in the nature of public debate can help re-frame the narrative preoccupations of the media.

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