scholarly journals Effects of the Media, Economy, and Independent Voters on Post-War Japanese Prime Ministers’ General Policy Speeches

2018 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 2_177-2_199
Author(s):  
Emi SAUZIER-UCHIDA
Keyword(s):  
Prime Ministers ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War ◽  
Independent Voters

‘Who is Sir Curtis Seretse?’: A Re evaluation of Black Representation in Sixties British Television

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Prime Time ◽  
Black Representation ◽  
Unique Representation ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
Crime Dramas ◽  
The Media ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Head Of Department

This paper re-evaluates the significance of Sir Curtis Seretse, a black character from the 1960s television series Department S (ITV 1969-70) which has largely been ignored. While earlier critical and academic discourse of Department S has primarily centred on the flamboyant Jason King, the importance of Seretse’s character has been overlooked. Seretse, as the head of Department S, is in a position of authority and power over the other (white) characters of the show. Furthermore, he represents a highly educated character that converses on equal terms with Prime Ministers and Presidents, a unique representation of a black character on British television at that time. Seretse’s appearance on prime time television, at a period when black performers in the media were invariably confined to little more than token characters, is therefore worthy of further attention. This paper examines how Seretse represents a different type of black character not previously seen on British television, when compared to the representations of racial problems on other television crime dramas.

Prime Ministers and the Public

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Weller
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Significant Part ◽  
Media Management ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
The Public ◽  
Electoral Campaigns ◽  
Technological Capacity ◽  
The Media

Prime ministers are the key campaigners for their governments, not just in electoral campaigns, but every day and in every place. Media management has become a continuing and significant part of the prime ministers’ activities; it is a daily, indeed an hourly, pressure. Speeches have to be planned. The pressure has changed the tone and priorities of governing. It has dangers as well as benefits. Media demands have become more immediate, more continuous, and more intrusive. Prime ministers must respond. The same technical changes allow prime ministers to interact with their voters in a way that bypasses journalists and other intermediaries. They are writ large in campaigns. They are never out of mind or out of sight. Re-election is always a consideration for tactics and strategy. The public leader, the ‘rhetorical prime minister’, is shaped by the demands of the media and organized by the technological capacity.

scholarly journals Konspiratorzy w Policji Polskiej i Polskiej Policji Kryminalnej w Krakowie w latach 1939‒1945

2020 ◽  
Vol 147 (3) ◽  
pp. 597-618
Author(s):  
Michał Chlipała
Keyword(s):  
Communist Regime ◽  
General Government ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
Popular Image

Conspirators in the Polish Blue Police and Polish Criminal Police in Kraków during 1939‒1945 The article describes the history of Polish pre-war policemen who were forced to continue their service in the Polish Police in the General Government (the so-called Blue Police), created by German occupying authorities. Many of these policemen, faithful to the oath they had made before the war, worked for the Polish Underground State. In Kraków, the capital of the General Government, in the Autumn of 1939, Polish policemen began to create conspiracy structures, which gradually became one of the most effective Polish intelligence networks. Thanks to them, the Home Army, subordinated to the Polish Government-in-exile in London, could learn the secrets of the Kraków Gestapo and the German police. Despite the enormous efforts of the German counter-intelligence machine and the losses among the conspirators, they worked out the exact structure of the German forces in Kraków, helped the persecuted population and infiltrated secret German institutions. In post-war Poland, many of them experienced persecution at the hands of the communist regime. Most of them preferred to keep their wartime experiences secret. To this day their activities are poorly known, being suppressed by the popular image of a Polish policeman-collaborator created by the media.

scholarly journals The Invisible Institution? Reconstructing the History of BAFTA and the 1958 Merger of the British Film Academy with the Guild of Television Producers and Directors

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-472
Author(s):  
Emma Pett ◽  
Helen Warner
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
Creative Industries ◽  
British Society ◽  
Film And Television ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War ◽  
Training Schemes ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Television Producers

As a cultural institution of national and global significance, the British Academy of Film and Television Arts (BAFTA) is notably absent from existing scholarship on the media industries. More importantly, BAFTA's role as an independent arts charity set up by the industry to support and develop new talent is often overlooked. Instead, references to BAFTA made by media and film scholars most frequently take the form of footnotes or digressions that detail particular awards or nominations. Drawing on a range of archival sources, including BAFTA's own records, we address this significant omission within existing scholarship on the British cultural and creative industries. In particular, we examine the period 1947–68, focusing on the 1958 merger of the British Film Academy with the Guild of Television Producers and Directors to form a new institution, known as the Society of Film and Television Arts (SFTA, later renamed BAFTA). This was achieved despite the well-documented tensions existing between the two industries throughout the period, which we identify and analyse within this historical context. We argue that a crucial factor driving the 1958 merger was the desire to develop quality training schemes across both industries. This, in turn, was partly enabled by an egalitarian turn in post-war British society towards the development of greater social equality and mobility. In reconstructing these events, we therefore interrogate and reassess the role played by this key national institution on the development of the creative and cultural industries, offering an expansion and revision of scholarship on media histories of post-war Britain.

Desperate Housewives and Soccer Moms: Examining the relationship between media representations and the lived reality of women in the suburbs

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica White
Keyword(s):  
Real Life ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Media Images ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Original Question ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Historical Examination

Has suburbia ever truly met the needs of the populations it claims to serve? Since its creation suburbia has been a centre of conflict between the image created by the media and lived realities. The post war images of femininity in the suburbs were ones of domesticity and a heteronormative family. In essence the “sitcom” family was created and reality was made to look like its television counterpart. Yet in real life, did any family look like that of Leave it to Beaver? Have our ideals of the perfect family living in the perfect house truly changed? If they have changed have they had an effect on policy makers and land developers? A brief historical examination of suburbia, its creation, and media images will be contrasted with the developments and policies we find in today’s suburbia. To partially answer my original question the demographic of women in suburbia, more specifically mothers will be discussed. Are today’s media images of suburbia a better depiction of lived realities or are urban political processes still at play to perpetuate an ideal image?

3. Arguing

2020 ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Tony Wright
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Public Ownership ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Big Society ◽  
The Media ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Post War ◽  
Market Capitalism

‘Arguing: the politics of ideas’ characterizes Britain’s political culture as one of institutionalized adversarialism. Arguments from the ‘left’ and ‘right’ are framed by debates and the media in terms of ‘for’ and ‘against’. Three political periods have changed the character of British politics—those of Attlee, Thatcher, and Blair, which respectively saw a post-war rebuilding, a move away from the state and towards market capitalism, and Labour’s move away from public ownership towards a broad ‘third way’. David Cameron’s ‘Big Society’ was derailed by austerity politics and the results of the 2016 referendum, seen as a victory for the outsiders that left the insiders struggling to respond.

scholarly journals Re-framing free movement in the countdown to Brexit? Shifting UK press portrayals of EU migrants in the wake of the referendum

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 594-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Morrison
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Free Movement ◽  
Economic Costs ◽  
Setting Process ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War

This article argues that long-standing press portrayals of economic migrants as threats to Britain’s economic wellbeing underwent a marked turn immediately after the 2016 ‘Brexit’ referendum. Following an intense campaign during which most national newspapers problematised European Union free movement, the month after the vote saw even ‘Euro-sceptic’ titles shift towards emphasising the economic costs of ending it. Within six months, however, discourses framing migrants as ‘invaders’ and/or ‘exploiters’ resurfaced. The article conceptualises the immediate post-referendum period as one of discursive aftershock, as key actors struggled to absorb the outcome and newspapers accustomed to years of spoon-feeding with simplistic pro- and anti-European Union rhetoric scrambled to find fresh sources of newsworthy conflict in a ‘post-war’ climate. In so doing, it contributes to our understanding of the multidirectional complexity of the agenda-setting process, by showing how shifts in the nature of public debate can help re-frame the narrative preoccupations of the media.

Twentieth-Century Influences on the Development in Britain of Services for Child and Adolescent Psychiatry

1991 ◽  
Vol 159 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Wardle
Keyword(s):  
Rapid Development ◽  
Child And Adolescent Psychiatry ◽  
Therapeutic Interventions ◽  
Teaching Hospitals ◽  
The Past ◽  
Child Guidance ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War ◽  
And Control

Modern comprehensive multidisciplinary mental-health services for children and adolescents have four origins: psychology from 1890, psychoanalysis from 1906, the child-guidance movement from 1920, and the children's departments of psychiatric teaching hospitals from 1930. Post-war changes in society and reform, especially the NHS Act 1946, contributed to rapid development of services and an increasingly wide range of sophisticated therapeutic interventions; professional and interdisciplinary associations and trans-Atlantic exchange were also influential. In the last three decades a succession of official inquiries, reports, legislation and reorganisations have had a damaging effect. Children and their services have been prey tocauses célèbres,fashion and the exaggerated fads and foibles of the media and politicians; they have thrived best when society and their carers were tolerant, and loving, sought good qualities to augment, not evil to exorcise, and succeeded in balancing structure and control with flexibility and freedom to grow. Planners should review the past before acting.

Minister of Food, 1943

2020 ◽  
pp. 207-230
Keyword(s):  
Newspaper Coverage ◽  
Site Management ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The Media ◽  
Post War

Diary extracts and correspondence, thematically arranged, with extensive footnotes identifying newspaper coverage of Woolton’s policies and actions on rationing in the last 11 months of his time as Minister of Food. It reveals his consciousness that his work at the Ministry was no longer the challenge it had been, especially during 1941 and 1942, and that he was thinking of returning to his business career rather than carrying on at the Ministry. He continued to be frustrated by party politicking, and while retaining his consciousness of the importance of continuing the management of the media to retain popular support for Ministry policies, his enjoyment of that role is inflected by a weariness over the split-site management dimension. His relations with Churchill and fellow politicians were a factor and his consciousness that the tide of war had turned in the Allies favour is revealed when he voiced a number of criticisms of Churchillian strategy in prioritising the war fronts over evolving strategies for post-war reconstruction, leading up to his reaction to Churchill offering him the post of Minister in the new Ministry of Reconstruction that Churchill had proposed. .

scholarly journals Cabinets, Prime Ministers, and Corruption: A Comparative Analysis of Parliamentary Governments in Post-War Europe

2018 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-170
Author(s):  
Hanna Bäck ◽  
Jan Teorell ◽  
Staffan I Lindberg
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Control Mechanisms ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
East European ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
Time Period ◽  
Post War ◽  
High Level ◽  
Do So

Why are some states more corrupt than others? Drawing on the literature on governance in parliamentary democracies, we suggest that the degree of corruption depends on the ability of key political actors to control ministers who have been delegated power. We argue that the Prime Minister has incentives to limit corruption within the cabinet and has the ability to do so when there are certain “control mechanisms” at hand. One such mechanism is the PM’s ability to fire or demote ministers who are not behaving in accordance with his or her wishes. We hypothesize that governmental corruption will be lower in systems where the constitution grants the PM strong powers. Using a new dataset ( Varieties of Democracy), which provides more specific measures on high-level corruption across a longer time period, we analyze corruption in 26 West and East European democracies over the post-war period and find support for our hypothesis.

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