Sacred Values: Islam, Communism, and Moroccan Nationalism in the Long 1960s

2021 ◽  
pp. 211-230
Author(s):  
Alma Rachel Heckman

This chapter examines efforts of Jews and Muslims in Morocco to reconcile communism with Moroccan nationalism predicated on Islam, centered on the figure of the King as the amir al-mu’minin (Commander of the Faithful) through the long 1960s. The stakes for Jewish and Muslim communists in this setting were high, including the need to demonstrate authenticity and legitimacy of their political movement in the face of accusations of communism as a foreign, colonial, and thus inorganic movement within Morocco. The long 1960s included a major leftist student uprising in 1965, several constitutional crises, and two attempted coups, all of which heightened the existential tension of the Moroccan left within the Islamist monarchy.

Author(s):  
Joseph Locke

By reconstructing the religious crusade to achieve prohibition in Texas, Making the Bible Belt reveals how southern religious leaders overcame long-standing anticlerical traditions and built a powerful political movement that injected religion irreversibly into public life. H.L. Mencken coined the term “Bible Belt” in the 1920s to capture the peculiar alliance of religion and public life in the American South, but the reality he described was only the closing chapter of a long historical process. Through the politics of prohibition, and in the face of bitter resistance, a complex but shared commitment to expanding the power and scope of religion transformed southern evangelicals’ inward-looking restraints into an aggressive, self-assertive, and unapologetic political activism. Early defeats forced prohibitionist clergy to recast their campaign as a broader effort that churned notions of history, race, gender, and religion into a moral crusade that elevated ambitious leaders such as the pugnacious fundamentalist J. Frank Norris and US senator Morris Sheppard, the “Father of National Prohibition,” into national figures. By exploring the controversies surrounding the religious support of prohibition in Texas, Making the Bible Belt reconstructs the purposeful, decades-long campaign to politicize southern religion, hints at the historical origins of the religious right, and explores a compelling and transformative moment in American history.


mezurashii ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Theresia - Arianti

Abstrak: Studi ini didasarkan pada serial TV Oshin yang disiarkan perdana pada 1983. Oshin, tokoh utama, lahir di Jepang pada tahun 1900 pada periode Meiji dan menghabiskan masa remajanya pada periode Taisho. Kebanyakan penelitian mengenai Jepang sebelumnya belum memasukan Oshin dan Face-Threatenig Acts sebagai landasan studi. Disinilah kekurangan yang akan diisi oleh studi ini dimana studi ini akan menunjukan sisi gelap Jepang pada periode Meiji dan Taisho melalui Face-Threatening Acts yang terdapat dalam dorama Oshin. Hasil studi menunjukan bahwa Jepang mengalami masalah kemiskinan pada zaman Meiji serta permasalahan politk pada zaman Taisho. Studi ini menunjukan bahwa Face-Threatening Acts dapat merepresentasikan latar belakang tempat dan waktu dari sebuah cerita.Kata kunci: Oshin, Face-Threatening Acts, periode Meiji, periode Taisho Abstract: This study is based on a Japanese TV series titled Oshin which was firstly aired in 1983. Oshin, the main character, was born in Japan in 1900 during Meiji period and spent her teenagehood in Taisho period. Previous studies examining Japan mostly do not include Oshin and Face Threatening Acts in the methods/materials used. These are the gaps the current study is fulfilling since this study aims to investigate Oshin’s portrayal of Japan, by using Face Threatening Acts theory, which can reveal Japan’s dark history to people outside Japan. Findings show that face threatening acts in the conversations amongst the characters reflect Japan’s poverty in Meiji period. The face threatening acts also reveal the “underground” political movement emerged in Taisho period as well as laborers’ bad working condition. This study shows how face threatening acts in a conversation can reflect the condition of the place and time when the conversation occurs. This study will also open the society’s eyes on what happened in Japan during Meiji and Taisho periods so that more people can learn from the history.Keywords: Oshin, Face-Threatening Acts, Meiji period, Taisho period


Mnemosyne ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 67 (6) ◽  
pp. 953-985 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seth G. Bernard ◽  
Cynthia Damon ◽  
Campbell Grey

The famous inscription from Polla reporting a Roman magistrate’s management of problems and opportunities in Italian and provincial contexts is a perennial tease: its information is rich but contradictory. In this paper we accept a second centurybcedate for the inscription and the events it reports but leave the much discussed question of the dedicator’s identity aside in order to focus on the inscription’s rhetoric: by looking at the grounds on which the magistrate claims the esteem of his audience, rather than at how the information he provides ‘is consistent with’ some other set of facts, be it an individual career or a war or a political movement, we gain a clearer understanding of his message and intended audience or audiences. What emerges, we suggest, is a magistrate presenting himself as the ‘face’ of Roman hegemony in southern Italy and Sicily, and in the process revealing the complex processes of cooperation and domination, negotiation and concession that were fundamental to Roman hegemony in that period. More particularly, we argue for the relevance of our magistrate’s actions in Sicily to his reception in Lucania, despite the different status of the two areas vis-à-vis the Roman state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Rikaz Prabowo

This Research aims to describe: (1) Dayak political awakening before election 1955 (2) The struggle PPD in the face of election 1955, (3) Impact PPD post-election victory 1955. This study uses a critical history method. Based on the results of the research can be concluded: first, the political movement of Dayak society, especially in West Kalimantan, began to rise after the proclamation independence of Indonesia with the founding of Dayak In Action (DIA) on 3 November 1945. He was later changed to PPD on 30 November 1946. Secondly, The PPD also conducts consolidation and cadre, maximizing the grassroots potential of the Dayak community, as well as conducting the campaigns in areas.Third, PPD successfully won the 1955 election and occupied strategic positions of government in both the executive and legislative . PPD also sent his deputy for DPR-RI and constituency. In addition, PPD managed to deliver J. C Oevaang Oeray was elected as the Governor of the regional head of West Kalimantan.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1(64)) ◽  
pp. 143-156
Author(s):  
Marta Cimke

En Marche! – New Political Movement or New Party? The Program and the Structure In the face of the emergence of new political movements and political parties, clearly defining these formations has emerged as a specific difficulty. The subject of the article is the La République En Marche! It came up as a movement, then transformed into a political party, gaining in popularity and securing victories in the parliamentary elections. The aim of the paper is to present the genesis and transformations within this organization and its present program. An attempt will also be made to answer the question – whether in the case of En Marche! we can talk about a new political movement, a new political party or a hybrid political organization that combines the elements of both the movement and the party.


Author(s):  
Gregory L. Simon

This chapter focuses on government retrenchment, conservative homeowner politics, and state tax restructuring spanning the 1950s to 1980s. It highlights the scalar dimensions of vulnerability-in-production. In the face of a postwar suburban growth politics—culminating in the overthrow of conventional structures of taxation—metropolitan core areas like Oakland experienced tax reduced revenue growth rates, as well as depleted operating budgets within tax-dependent city fire services leading to reduced fire department budgets up to and during the Tunnel Fire. In order to generate new sources of tax revenue, city officials pursued large housing developments within high fire risk areas. The gradual increase in exposure to wildfires in the Tunnel Fire area is thus deeply intertwined within California's broader tax-revolt political movement. The chapter challenges spatially and temporally truncated explanations of fire vulnerability that fail to grapple with complex socioeconomic factors undergirding the placement of homes in areas that are already susceptible to wildfire. It ends by illustrating how factors generating vulnerability and affluence in the Tunnel Fire area also contribute to the production of vulnerabilities throughout the rest of Oakland.


Author(s):  
Donna T. Haverty-Stacke

Chapter 6 explores how, during her years at SMJC from the mid-1960s until 1984, Grace embraced a unique form of Catholic activism that drew from the liturgical movement and Catholic Action movement, the ideas espoused by Catholic Marxists in the English Slant movement, and, ultimately, the reforms of Vatican II. She remained devoted to fighting for civil rights and for peace, now including antinuclear campaigns. Through her insistence on striking at the heart of capitalist exploitation, Grace maintained much of her Marxist thinking. In her continued belief in the importance of an organized political movement to effect revolutionary social change, she proudly touted her Old Left loyalties in the face of what she condemned as the undisciplined approaches of New Left protests. And in her call for engagement with the pressing problems of the day as a gospel mandate for the lay apostolate, she functioned as a Catholic activist. In her roles as a teacher, administrator, mentor, and friend, Grace also continued her struggle for women’s equality, now working to overthrow capitalist patriarchy by educating the masses through a variety of personal and professional interactions, particularly as she advised—and at times financially supported—women students at SMJC.


Author(s):  
John R. Hibbing

This book identifies the core motivations of Donald Trump’s strongest supporters. Previous research suggests that Trump’s followers are authoritarians or even fascists—individuals who are comfortable only when a powerful person is controlling their lives and providing direction and certainty in the process. This book advances and empirically supports the thesis that what Trump’s base craves is not authority but rather a specific form of security. The disposition of Trump’s strongest supporters leads them to strive for security in the face of threats from members of out-groups, and they define out-groups broadly to include welfare cheats, unpatriotic athletes, norm violators, non-English speakers, people who subscribe to a non-majority religion, people not of the majority racial group, people who do not follow prevalent national customs, and certainly people from other countries. Fervent Trump supporters’ primary purpose in life is to protect themselves, their families, and their larger cultural group from these outsider threats. A similar motivation is present in subpopulations around the world as can be seen in the Brexit vote in the United Kingdom as well as the success of nativist candidates around the globe. By detailing these desires, this book makes it possible to understand a political movement that many people find baffling and frustrating, which in turn could make it easier for Trump’s base and those who stridently oppose Trump to communicate with each other.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xuechuang He ◽  
Hongyang Liu

The purpose of this study is to investigate the views of higher vocational students on marriage and the differences in their views on marriage from the perspective of gender. Through using the self-compiled marriage view questionnaire survey 567 higher vocational students. The results show that, on the whole, higher vocational college students' views on love and marriage have different motives between two genders, over idealistic and hidden dangers. In the face of this situation, the gender perspective should be differentiated, supplemented by strengthening educational guidance and the sacred values of marriage should be dealt with.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 76-101
Author(s):  
PETER M. SANCHEZ

AbstractThis paper examines the actions of one Salvadorean priest – Padre David Rodríguez – in one parish – Tecoluca – to underscore the importance of religious leadership in the rise of El Salvador's contentious political movement that began in the early 1970s, when the guerrilla organisations were only just beginning to develop. Catholic leaders became engaged in promoting contentious politics, however, only after the Church had experienced an ideological conversion, commonly referred to as liberation theology. A focus on one priest, in one parish, allows for generalisation, since scores of priests, nuns and lay workers in El Salvador followed the same injustice frame and tactics that generated extensive political mobilisation throughout the country. While structural conditions, collective action and resource mobilisation are undoubtedly necessary, the case of religious leaders in El Salvador suggests that ideas and leadership are of vital importance for the rise of contentious politics at a particular historical moment.


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