scholarly journals En Marche! – nowy ruch czy nowa partia?

Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1(64)) ◽  
pp. 143-156
Author(s):  
Marta Cimke

En Marche! – New Political Movement or New Party? The Program and the Structure In the face of the emergence of new political movements and political parties, clearly defining these formations has emerged as a specific difficulty. The subject of the article is the La République En Marche! It came up as a movement, then transformed into a political party, gaining in popularity and securing victories in the parliamentary elections. The aim of the paper is to present the genesis and transformations within this organization and its present program. An attempt will also be made to answer the question – whether in the case of En Marche! we can talk about a new political movement, a new political party or a hybrid political organization that combines the elements of both the movement and the party.

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-408
Author(s):  
Miroslav Řádek

Abstract Department of Political Science at Alexander Dubcek University in Trencin prepared its own exit poll during election day on March 5, 2016. The survey asked seven questions that were aimed at determining the preferences of the respondents concerning not only the current but also past general elections. Interviewers surveyed the choice of political party or movement in parliamentary elections in 2016 as well as preferences in past elections. Followed by questions concerning motivation to vote - when did the respondents decide to go to vote and what or who inspired this decision. The survey also tried to found out how many preferential votes did the voters give to the candidates of political parties and movements. Final question asked about expectations for the future of individual respondents. This article is the information output of the survey. The interviewers were 124 university students and its return was 1,612 sheets. The aim of this paper is to communicate the findings of this unique survey, which is unprecedented in the Slovak political science.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-61
Author(s):  
Artur Gruszczak

This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process of Sweden’s immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.


1989 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 237-254
Author(s):  
Erik Buyst ◽  
Luc Lauwers ◽  
Patrick Uvtterhoeven

This paper deals with the distribution of power among Belgian political parties during the interwar period. In the 1930s Belgium, like most European countries, was confronted with the electoral success of extreme right- and left-wing parties that wanted to change the existing political system into an authoritarian one. Usually, historians draw attention to the rapidly growing share of seats in Parliament held by extreme parties as a sign of their increasing influence on Belgian politics. Among game theorists, however, it is widely accepted that the proportion of seats is a poor proxy for power relations (Schotter, 1979). It is indeed possible that a political party acquiring a higher proportion of seats in Parliament loses its capacity to influence the outcome of a vote, and vice versa.


Author(s):  
Taras Kozak

On the base of literary sources, the gist of political influence in geographical realities was specified. The role of electoral support as the basis for impact was examined. A considerable importance of political parties’ impact on the territorial-political structure of the society, its unity and stability were outlined. Spatial conformity with a law of people’s behaviour in connection with the election to the legislative body of state power of Ukraine was explored. The results of the emergency parliamentary election to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine 2014 in the context of the geographical impact of political parties of Ukraine were analysed. The peculiarities of voters division for parties among rural and urban population were elucidated. Positive and negative tendencies of election campaign were found out. The recommendations for harmonisation of party and political system were suggested. Key words: election, influence, electoral support, constituency, party-political system, political party.


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPHER K. ANSELL ◽  
M. STEVEN FISH

Max Weber's theory of leadership authority has deeply influenced theories of political parties, but Weber's concept of charisma is often used indiscriminately to refer to all kinds of personalist leadership. What is more, Weber's tripartite typology of traditional, charismatic and rational-legal authority neglects a form of leadership often found in major contemporary political parties. This article formulates a differentiated typology and conceptualization of personalism, and theorizes an important but heretofore poorly understood form of political organization: the non-charismatic personalist political party. The leaders of such parties embody great personal authority within their organizations and often serve as symbols around which their parties can rally. But they are anything but prophets. Their authority arises not from an ability to inspire or transform their followers but rather from the skill to mediate conflicts within the party.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 373-398
Author(s):  
Amir Maliki Abitolkha ◽  
Muhamad Basyrul Muvid ◽  
Maulana Arafat Lubis

Abstract:The tarekat is not only understood as a spiritual-religious organization, but also a socio-political organization capable of contributing to the nation's sovereignty and independence. This research aims to find and analyze the process of revitalizing the national political values of the QadiriyahwaNaqsyabandiyah order. The method used is studying literature by digging into various references, documentation, and journals that correspond to the topic. From the literature, it was found that the QadiriyahwaNaqsyabandiyahtarekat successfully played its socio-political role to help the People and People of Indonesia get out of the difficulties, sufferings, and tribulations of colonialism. Because its role as social jam'iyah is minimal, so tarekat extends to the religio-political aspect. Then, the process of revitalizing the national political values of the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah order can be seen from several steps: through the role of the elite of the order, through the religio-political system, relations with political parties, through the synergy between the encouragement of Islamic teachings, the motivation of individuals and groups, and interaction with the outside world, through the function of the order as a religious and social institution. الملخص :ولا يُفهم الأمر على أنه منظمة دينية روحية فحسب، بل هو منظمة اجتماعية وسياسية قادرة على المساهمة في سيادة الأمة واستقلالها. والغرض من هذا البحث هو إيجاد وتحليل عملية تنشيط القيم السياسية الوطنية للرهبانية القادرية والنقشبندية. الطريقة المستخدمة هي دراسة الأدب من خلال البحث في مراجع ووثائق ومجلات مختلفة تتوافق مع الموضوع. وكانت النتيجة أن قامت رهبانية القادرية والنقشبندية بنجاح بدورها الاجتماعي - السياسي لمساعدة شعب وشعب إندونيسيا على الخروج من الصعوبات والمعاناة والمحن التي يعاني منها الاستعمار. دور الجامية الاجتماعية الدينية محدود جداً، لذلك يمتد إلى الجانب التديني والسياسي. ثم يمكن رؤية عملية تنشيط القيم السياسية الوطنية للرهبانية القادرية والنقشبندية من عدة خطوات: من خلال دور نخبة النظام، من خلال النظام التديني - السياسي، والعلاقات مع الأحزاب السياسية، من خلال التآزر بين تشجيع التعاليم الإسلامية، ودوافع الأفراد والجماعات، والتفاعل مع العالم الخارجي، من خلال وظيفة النظام كمؤسسة دينية واجتماعية.Abstrak:Tarekat tidak hanya dipahami sebagai organisasi keagamaan spiritual, semata, namunia sebagai organisasi social politik yang mampu memberikan kontribusi terhadap kedaulatan dan kemerdekaan bangsa. Tujuan penelitian ini ingin menemukan dan menganalisis proses revitalisasi nilai-nilai politik kebangsaan tarekat Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah. Metode yang digunakan adalah studi kepustakaan dengan menggali berbagai referensi, dokumentasi, dan jurnal-jurnal yang sesuai dengan topik. Hasil yang ditemukan ialah Tarekat Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah berhasil memainkan peran sosial politiknya untuk membantu masyarakat dan bangsa Indonesia keluar dari kesulitan, penderitaan dan kesengsaraan akibat penjajahan. Peran sebagai jam’iyah social keagamaan sangat terbatas, sehingga diperluas kepada aspek religio-politik. Kemudian, proses revitalisasi nilai-nilai politik kebangsaan tarekat Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah dapat dilihat dari beberapa langkah: melalui peranan elit tarekat, melalui system religio-politik, relasi dengan partai politik, melalui sinergitas antara dorongan ajaran Islam, motivasi individu dan kelompok, dan interaksi dengan dunia luar, melalui fungsi tarekat sebagai lembaga keagamaan dan sosial.


Author(s):  
Peter Horváth ◽  
Erik Urc

The subject of this article is the analysis of the 2020 parliamentary elections in the Slovak Republic from the point of view of the regional success of individual political entities. The authors refer the strong and weak areas of support for individual political parties, which gained more than five percent of the votes on a nationwide scale. As the Slovak Republic is considered as single constituency in the parliamentary elections, the results themselves do not literally indicate the areas with the strongest or weakest voter support. It is interesting to observe the extent of influence of the residence of the electoral leader, the ethnic composition of the population or the religiosity on the electoral behaviour. Equally interesting is the observation of the stability of electoral preferences, as we have witnessed largely different results in the 2020 parliamentary elections compared to the 2019 elections (presidential elections, as well as the European Parliament elections). Key words: parliamentary elections, Slovak Republic, electoral gain, National Council of the Slovak Republic, regions.


Baltic Region ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-31
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Lanko ◽  
Irina S. Lantsova

This article explores the Estonian ‘integration’ project, which was launched in the early 1990s to bridge the differences between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians by assimilating the latter with the former. Since the project will soon turn thirty, it is timely to ask whether it has been a success. This article employs Grigorii Golosov’s index of political party nationalization to understand whether the ‘integration’ project has helped to narrow the ideological divide between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians. In other words, the study asks whether ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians vote for the same political parties in comparable proportions or there are ‘Estonian’ and ‘Russian’ parties in the country. The analysis of the outcomes of four local and four parliamentary elections that took place in Estonia in 2005—2019 shows that by the mid-2000s Estonia achieved a considerable level of political party system nationalization at both national and local levels. At the national level, political party system nationalization remained high in 2007—2019 despite significant changes in the country’s political party system. At the local level, however, political party system nationalization has been diminishing since 2013, leading one to conclude that the Estonian ‘integration’ project has failed to close the ideological divide between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians.


Author(s):  
William Nunes ◽  
Saurabh Anand

The chapter argues that political parties have to incorporate the idea of sustainable development in their manifesto itself. The goals of sustainable development cannot be achieved if the political parties themselves are not committed to it. The goals of sustainability can only be achieve if sustainability is truly integrated into core party values. No major work in the area has been done in India so far. This paper is an attempt to analyse the constitutions and rule of the major national political party while also particularly analysing the manifesto as published from time to time, to examine whether they have, and if yes then how have, they addressed the subject of environment and sustainability. The scope of the analysis of the manifesto mainly focuses on the 2014 election manifestos, as the 2014 election was the most recent election constituting the 16th Lok Sabha (house of representatives).


Author(s):  
Vitalij Semenko

The article deals with peculiarities of the regular elections in the Republic of Austria to the European Parliament in 2014, as well as the main reasons for the success of nationalists, left-wing parties, eurosceptics, populists, far-right political parties, even though the pro-European forces have retained their majority. The main results of the parliamentary elections, the conclusions of eminent political scientists, experts who researched election to the European Parliament are in details analyzed. Also, the main objectives and tasks of the party and election programs of political parties in Austria are in details characterized, which are represented in the European Parliament, this important supranational body of the European Union. Specific features of obtaining by Austria of 18 seats on the 8th next elections to the European Parliament are revealed, which took place on May 25, 2014. Keywords: Political party, euroscepticism, elections, populism, political system


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