scholarly journals The US ballistic missile defence policy in the Baltic and Nordic regions

Baltic Region ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (8) ◽  
pp. 33-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Konyshev ◽  
A. Sergunin ◽  
S. Subbotin
2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-64
Author(s):  
В. Н. Конышев ◽  
А. А. Сергунин ◽  
С. В. Субботин

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 65-89
Author(s):  
Piotr Szymański

The annexation of Crimea in 2014 marks the turning point in Lithuania’s defence policy. Previously, Lithuanian armed forces developed expeditionary capabilities in line with NATO’s out-of-area requirements and had to face substantial manning and equipment shortages as a result of the financial crisis. After 2014 clarion call, Lithuania responded with the most comprehensive measures of all the Eastern Flank states to strengthen its military capabilities. Lithuania’s main strategic concerns encompass both the Russian A2/AD bubble in Kaliningrad as well as the development of Russian offensive capabilities in the Baltic Sea region. The Lithuanian strive for security included a big hike in defence spending and a gradual increase in military personnel, with the reinstatement of conscription, faster modernisation of armed forces, development of military infrastructures, investments in combat readiness and an update of military exercises. This was supplemented by the strengthening of defence co-operation with key partners – both bilaterally and within the NATO framework. Lithuania’s main goal was to convince Allies to establish permanent military presence on its territory in order to strengthen deterrence against Russia. Between the NATO Wales Summit in 2014 and the Warsaw Summit in 2016, Lithuania was focused mainly on a closer military collaboration with the US – a country which then took a leading role in the military reassurance of the Eastern Flank. In Lithuania, the US has traditionally been perceived as the main security provider. The Warsaw Summit constituted a milestone in bolstering the Allied defence posture vis-à-vis Russia, which influenced Lithuania’s defence policy. American rotational company-size units in the Baltic states were subsequently replaced by NATO’s Enhanced Forward Presence, i.e. the deployment of German-led battalion-size battlegroup in Lithuania. Therefore, between 2016 and 2018 Lithuania tried to augment its strong defence ties with US while deepening military integration with Germany. The most significant sign of a closer military co-operation with Germany was the procurement of 88 Boxer infantry fighting vehicles. Recently, Germany has become the biggest supplier of military equipment to the Lithuanian army. Although Lithuania prefers to develop military co-operation primarily with US and Germany, Poland remains its important orientation point (mainly due to a similar threat perception and Poland’s geographic location). The core dimensions of the Polish-Lithuanian defence collaboration are the strengthening of air defence, including Grom systems deliveries, training of special forces and development of the trilateral brigade (LITPOLUKRBRIG) together with Ukraine. In the coming years, the ongoing depopulation will remain the biggest internal challenge for the Lithuanian defence policy. Emigration and an ageing society result not only in a decreasing number of citizens reaching the enlistment age, but may also adversely affect the economic situation and - as a consequence - defence expenditure.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1/2020) ◽  
pp. 33-67
Author(s):  
Olga Stevanovic

The subject of this paper encompasses US policy towards Poland and the Baltic States regarding energy security during Donald Trump’s presidency. It is discernible that vast domestic energy resources have created an opportunity for the US to project more power to these countries, and the surrounding region. We argue that Trump and his administration’s perceptions have served as an intervening variable in that opportunity assessment, in accordance with the neoclassical realist theory. The main research question addressed in this paper is whether US has used that opportunity to contribute to energy security in countries it has traditionally deemed as allies. Two aspects of US approach to energy security of the designated countries are taken into consideration: liquified natural gas exports and support for the Three Seas Initiative. The way Trump presented his policy and its results in his public statements has also been considered in this paper. The article will proceed as follows. The first subsection of the paper represents a summary of energy security challenges in Poland and the Baltic States. The second subsection is dedicated to the opportunity for the US to project energy power and to Trump’s perceptions relevant for the opportunity assessment. The third subsection deals with American LNG exports to these countries as a possible way for contributing to energy security in Poland and the Baltic States. The last part of the paper addresses the Three Seas Initiative and US approach to this platform.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (0) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Anrieta Dudoit ◽  
Jonas Stankūnas

Aviation is one of the types of transport which has a crucial role in the modern world and develops with unprecedent speed. As the number of flights tends to increase, the Air Traffic Management (ATM) system has to ensure the safety of these flights and effectiveness of them. The design and use of the European routes and use of the air route network are considered to be a major causal factor of flight inefficiencies in the continent. The present ATM system needs to be reorganised to satisfy airspace operator needs and maintain safety levels, because of the recent and future predicted traffic growth and not always satisfactory indicators of the efficiency of the ATM system.The airspace is currently fragmented along national borders that is why the efficiency of flights is not assured i.e. to perform flights along optimal trajectories avoiding delays, excessive fuel burn and emissions. One of the conditions for ATM system to be more effective is connection of the airspace blocks, into Functional Airspace Blocks (FAB), within which more efficient flight could be conducted based on more direct routes connecting entry and exit points of the FAB. According to the analysis on European and US ATM systems, where the European ATM system is the sum total of a large number of separate Air Navigation Service Providers (ANSP) whereas the US system is operated by a single ANSP, it was analysed and stated that the less fragmentation there is, the more efficient flights are.The focus of this paper is to show the differences between fixed routes and direct trajectories (Great Circle) in the Baltic FAB in terms of flight distance, fuel burn and emission. The airspace is currently fragmented along national borders that is why the efficiency of flights is not assured i.e. to perform flights along optimal trajectories avoiding delays, excessive fuel burn and emissions. One of the conditions for ATM system to be more effective is connection of the airspace blocks, into Functional Airspace Blocks (FAB), within which more efficient flight could be conducted based on more direct routes connecting entry and exit points of the FAB. According to the analysis on European and US ATM systems, where the European ATM system is the sum total of a large number of separate Air Navigation Service Providers (ANSP) whereas the US system is operated by a single ANSP, it was analysed and stated that the less fragmentation there is, the more efficient flights are. The focus of this paper is to show the differences between fixed routes and direct trajectories (Great Circle) in the Baltic FAB in terms of flight distance, fuel burn and emission. Santrauka Aviacija – viena iš greitai augančių transporto šakų, kuri yra svarbi šiuolaikiniame moderniajame pasaulyje. Kadangi skrydžių nuolatos daugėja, oro eismo valdymo (OEV) sistema turi užtikrinti skrydžių saugą ir efektyvumą. Europos oro maršrutų išdėstymas ir naudojimas laikomi svarbiausiais skrydžių neefektyvumo veiksniais žemyne. Dėl esamo ir numatomo oro eismo augimo ir ne visados patenkinamų OEV sistemos efektyvumo rodiklių esama OEV sistema turi būti reorganizuota, siekiant užtikrinti oro erdvės naudotojų poreikius ir palaikyti reikalingą saugos lygį.Šiuo metu oro erdvė yra sudalyta pagal kiekvienos šalies valstybines ribas, dėl to skrydžių efektyvumas nėra optimalus, t. y. atliekami skrydžiai nevykdomi pagal optimalias trajektorijas vengiant užlaikymų, mažinant naudojamo kuro sąnaudas ir emisijas. Viena sąlyga, siekiant OEV sistemą padaryti efektyvesnę, – sujungti oro erdvės blokus į funkcinius oro erdvės blokus (FOEB), kur skrydžiai būtų vykdomi tiesesniais maršrutais tarp įskridimo ir išskridimo į FOEB taškų.Atlikus Europos OEV ir JAV sistemų analizę matyti, kad Europos OEV sistema susideda iš daugybės atskirtų oro navigacijos paslaugų teikėjų, o JAV sistemą valdo vienas oro navigacijos paslaugų teikėjas. Konstatuota, kad ten, kur fragmentacija mažesnė, skrydžių efektyvumas didesnis.Straipsnio tikslas – parodyti skirtumus tarp fiksuotųjų ir laisvųjų maršrutų Baltijos funkciniame oro erdvės bloke skrydžių atstumo, sunaudojamo kuro ir emisijų faktoriais.


Baltic Region ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-22
Author(s):  
V. N Konyshev ◽  
E. M. Skvortsova

Defence cooperation between Poland and the United States significantly affects the security agenda of Russia, the Baltic region, and Europe as a whole. On the one hand, Poland intends to become a key partner of the US in ensuring European security. On the other hand, it has ambitions to take the leading position in the security area among the Baltic States. The Polish leadership sees an additional advantage in expanding military cooperation with the United States, regarding it as a jumping board to accelerating its economic and technological development. This article examines a mechanism underlying defence cooperation between the US and Poland, i.e. lobbying Poland’s interests in another state. This allows Warsaw to actively promote its interests in the US. The research methodology employed includes the periodisation of Polish lobbying activities in the US and an empirical study of lobbying based on analysis of original documents, many of which have been analysed for the first time. It is shown that, under the existing party system, Poland will not abandon strategic partnership with the United States, primarily in security and defence. Over the study period, Poland quickly gained experience in promoting its interests in the US through direct lobbying, showing flexibility in negotiations, relying on the two-party support in the US Congress, successfully coordinating the activities of its governing bodies and various corporations which are submitted to tight state control.


European View ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-188
Author(s):  
Jakub Janda

The Russian Federation has become a rogue state in international relations, invading and occupying the territories of three European countries (Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine), waging war in the Ukrainian territory, producing massive disinformation campaigns against the West, threatening the Baltic republics, and interfering in various elections and referendums. Despite Russia’s aggressive behaviour, the West’s response to it has been significantly limited, particularly when it comes to non-military deterrence by Continental Europe. The US and the UK are leading the punishment of Russia’s aggression, while many countries, mainly in Western and Southern Europe, are hesitant to respond to this threat. This article makes recommendations as to what should be done in practical terms to boost the European portion of the Western response to Russian aggression from the political and policy points of view.


Asian Survey ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gi-Wook Shin ◽  
Rennie J. Moon

Kim Jong Un continued to consolidate his power through personnel changes, and North Korean society saw increasing consumerism, along with signs of growing inequality. The economy did well through early 2017 but the subsequent effects of sanctions remained uncertain. North Korea conducted its first test of an intercontinental ballistic missile and its sixth nuclear test, triggering heated debate in the US and elsewhere about how to respond. Kim clearly is not going to give up working on weapons of mass destruction.


2006 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-407 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bastian Giegerich ◽  
Darya Pushkina ◽  
Adam Mount

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