scholarly journals The Cemetery of the March Revolution in Berlin. A key site in the history of European democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 79-98
Author(s):  
Susanne Kitschun

El presente artículo aborda el Cementerio de la Revolución de Marzo desde su fundación en la Revolución Europea de 1848-49 hasta la actualidad. Durante la revolución de 1918-19, el cementerio fue ampliado y, a lo largo del tiempo, se ha ido transformando repetidamente según los diferentes sistemas políticos. Desde el principio, el Cementerio de la Revolución de Marzo ha sido un lugar que ha cumplido dos propósitos: ser espacio del luto personal de los familiares de los fallecidos y escenario de manifestaciones masivas y actos políticos conmemorativos para promover los derechos civiles y humanos. Los lugares de recuerdo de la historia de la democracia europea, como el Cementerio de la Revolución de Marzo, contribuyen a reforzar nuestras raíces culturales y políticas comunes y a establecer una cultura europea del recuerdo. This essay presents the cemetery of the March Fallen from its foundation in the European Revolution of 1848-49 to the present. During the revolution of 1918-19 the cemetery was expanded and over time it was repeatedly transformed in the different political systems. Right from the start, the Cemetery of the March Revolution has always been a place for two purposes: the personal grief of relatives of the dead, and mass demonstrations and political commemorative events to promote civil and human rights. Sites of remembrance for the history of European democracy such as the cemetery of the March Revolution help strengthen our shared cultural and political roots and help to establish a European culture of remembrance.

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 829-839
Author(s):  
Irvin J Hunt

Abstract This article reconsiders the recent turn in political theory to love as a countercapital affect, helping us endure when hope has lost its salience. The article offers the concept of “necromance” to attend to the ways the popular configuration of love as life-giving often overlooks how in the history of slavery and liberal empire love operates as life-taking. Distinct from necromancy, necromance is not a process of reviving the dead but of bringing subjects in ever closer proximity to the dead. Grounded in a reading of W. E. B. Du Bois’s romantic novel The Quest of the Silver Fleece (1911), particularly its vision of a cooperative economy and its response to the evolving meaning of love in American culture at the end of the nineteenth century, necromance is both a structure of feeling and a form of writing. As a resource for activism indebted to the creative powers of melancholic attachments, necromance contests the common conception that in order for grievances to become social movements or collective insurgencies they must be framed to create feelings of outrage, not of grief. By working inside existing conditions of irrevocable loss, necromantic love registers the feeling that the revolution is already here.


Author(s):  
John Parker

This book is the first detailed history of death and the dead in Africa south of the Sahara. Focusing on a region that is now present-day Ghana, the book explores mortuary cultures and the relationship between the living and the dead over a 400-year period spanning the seventeenth to twentieth centuries. The book considers many questions from the African historical perspective, including why people die and where they go after death, how the dead are buried and mourned to ensure they continue to work for the benefit of the living, and how perceptions and experiences of death and the ends of life have changed over time. From exuberant funeral celebrations encountered by seventeenth-century observers to the brilliantly conceived designer coffins of the late twentieth century, the book shows that the peoples of Ghana have developed one of the world's most vibrant cultures of death. The book explores the unfolding background of that culture through a diverse range of issues, such as the symbolic power of mortal remains and the dominion of hallowed ancestors, as well as the problem of bad deaths, vile bodies, and vengeful ghosts. The book reconstructs a vast timeline of death and the dead, from the era of the slave trade to the coming of Christianity and colonial rule to the rise of the modern postcolonial nation. With an array of written and oral sources, the book richly adds to an understanding of how the dead continue to weigh on the shoulders of the living.


2003 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 1-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Boyer

My Subject Today is the Austrian Revolution of 1918 and its aftermath, a staple subject in the general history of the empire and the republic, but one that has not seen vigorous historiographical discussion for a number of years. In a recent review of new historiography on the French Revolution, Jeremy Popkin has argued that recent neoliberal and even neo-Jacobin scholarship about that momentous event has confirmed the position of the revolution in the “genealogy of modern liberalism and democracy.” The endless fascination engendered by the French Revolution is owing to its protean nature, one that assayed the possibilities of reconciling liberty and equality and one that still inspires those who would search for a “usable liberal past.”1 After all, it was not only a watershed of liberal ideas, if not always liberal institutions and civic practices, but it was also a testing ground for the possibility of giving practical meaning to new categories of human rights.


1966 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher H. Johnson

The place of Etienne Cabet in the history of French and European socialism has been misunderstood and its real importance diminished in part due to the only detailed study of his life and thought, Jules Prudhommeaux's Icarie et son fondateur Etienne Cabet (Paris: Cornély, 1907). This work possesses many merits but is limited by the framework made explicit in its subtitle: “a contribution to the study of Experimental Socialism”. The author is principally concerned with Cabet as the creator of a communist colony in the backwoods of America. This emphasis relieved Prudhommeaux of the task of investigating the role of Cabet in the turbulent politics of France before and during the Revolution of 1848. By ignoring this period of Icarian history, he inadvertently strengthened the impression that Cabet's historical significance was as the Utopian archetype. Such was not the unique image of the father of Icarian communism during the 1840's, however.


1968 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 303-334
Author(s):  
Lajos Jordáky ◽  
Keith Hitchins

Since the end of World War II historians in Romania have given considerable attention to various aspects of the history of the Habsburg monarchy. Needless to say, their researches have been more limited than those of their Czechoslovak and Hungarian colleagues, since they have been preoccupied especially with the internal history of Old Romania, which has little connection with the history of the monarchy. Nevertheless, in tracing the development of the Principalities of Moldaviaand Walachia and, after 1859, of united Romania, they have touched on a number of problems—commercial, diplomatic, and cultural—common to both countries. Their greatestcontribution to the study of the Habsburg monarchy has beentheir work on the history of Transylvania and, to a lesserextent, the Banat, both of which, except for a brief periodduring the Revolution of 1848–1849, were under Austrian administrationup to 1867 and after the Ausgleich incorporatedinto Hungary.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 461-477
Author(s):  
Nanuli Silagadze ◽  
Sergiu Gherghina

AbstractScholarship has categorized referendums predominantly along their procedural and institutional features. This paper moves beyond these formal dimensions, argues that the policy subjected to a popular vote is the missing link and proposes a complementary typology based on the policy areas. This typology fosters comparisons across countries, political systems and over time within one policy area, thus serving as a powerful analytical tool for further analyses. At the same time, the typology maps out the history of referendum use showing the chronology of salient issues in different societies. The empirical evidence draws on an original dataset of 630 nationwide referendums in Europe between 1793 and 2019.


1976 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-8
Author(s):  
Istvan Deak

The national movement to foster the social, political, and economic rejuvenation of Hungary began in earnest some twenty years before the Revolution of 1848. There was a direct line of development from the first reform diet of 1825, which demanded the redress of national grievances but no economic or social reform, to the last diet of feudal Hungary in 1847–1848, which demanded and obtained national sovereignty, the emancipation of the peasants, and the codification of basic human rights. During these years Hungary's political climate definitely changed, and every political group, even the court circles in Vienna, moved in what can be called a generally progressive or leftist direction. The court, the Hungarian chancellery in Vienna, the royal administration in Budapest, the conservative, liberal, and radical parties in the diet, and the extra-parliamentary opposition in the streets and the cafés—all assiduously planned, advocated, and introduced reform programs.


1965 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 151-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Péter Hanák

Since World War II Hungarian historians have expressed great interest in the period between the revolution of 1848 and 1918. In studying this period, however, they have not been able to take advantage of an extensive heritage or of solid earlier works. Earlier Hungarian historians paid scarcely any attention at all to this era. Believing that the writing of contemporary history was a job for journalists and not for scholars, they kept away from it in most instances. Moreover, at that time it was ticklish for historians to touch upon the problems of the monarchy. As a consequence, they devoted their attention mostly to medieval history, which provided richer material for Hungarian nationalism.


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